Contesting the Fighter Identity: Framing, Desertion, and Gender in Colombia

Author(s):  
Rachel Schmidt

Abstract The growing literature on desertion from insurgent groups focuses almost exclusively on male deserters, with few comparisons to combatants who choose to stay and little consideration of women combatants or the gendered norms and narratives that restrict combatants’ options. As governments increasingly emphasize “counter-narratives” to prevent radicalization and encourage disengagement from non-state armed groups, there is insufficient empirical evidence on how such framing contests between governments and insurgents might affect how recruits calculate their options. With “deradicalization” programs proliferating globally, and disarmament, disengagement, and reintegration (DDR) programs continuing to perpetuate gender stereotypes, it is critical to examine why some men and women disengage from violence while others stay, how they evaluate these decisions, and how gendered norms affect these decisions. Based on over 100 interviews with men and women ex-combatants across seven departments of Colombia, this article examines the effects of framing contests between the FARC guerrillas and the Colombian government, in which gender norms and gendered power dynamics play key roles. This paper argues that these gendered framing contests are critical to individual combatants’ disengagement decisions and, in particular, influence how women combatants perceive their alternatives and manage their exit pathways out of non-state armed groups. Las crecientes publicaciones sobre la deserción de combatientes de los grupos rebeldes se centran casi exclusivamente en los desertores hombres, con pocas comparaciones con los combatientes que deciden quedarse y poca consideración de las combatientes mujeres o la influencia del género en las normas y la narrativa que restringen las opciones de los combatientes. A medida que los gobiernos hacen cada vez más hincapié en las “contranarrativas” para evitar la radicalización y fomentar la desmovilización de los grupos armados no estatales, no hay pruebas empíricas suficientes sobre cómo dichas disputas de estructuración entre los gobiernos y los rebeldes podrían afectar la manera en que los reclutas determinan sus opciones. Con la proliferación de programas de “desradicalización” en todo el mundo, y dado que las iniciativas de desarme, desmovilización y reintegración (Disarmament, Disengagement, and Reintegration, DDR) siguen perpetuando los estereotipos de género, es fundamental analizar por qué algunos hombres y mujeres se desvinculan de la violencia mientras que otros no, cómo evalúan estas decisiones y de qué manera las normas en función del género influyen en estas determinaciones. A partir de más de 100 entrevistas a hombres y mujeres excombatientes en siete departamentos de Colombia, este artículo analiza los efectos de las disputas de estructuración entre la guerrilla de las FARC y el gobierno colombiano, donde las normas y las dinámicas del poder en función del género juegan un papel clave. En este documento, se sostiene que dichas disputas de estructuración influenciadas por el género son fundamentales para las decisiones de desmovilización de los combatientes y, en especial, influyen en la manera en que las combatientes mujeres perciben sus alternativas y gestionan sus vías de escape de los grupos armados no estatales. La littérature croissante portant sur la désertion des groupes d'insurgés se concentre presque exclusivement sur les hommes déserteurs, avec peu de comparaisons avec les combattants qui choisissent de rester et peu de considération pour les femmes combattantes ou les normes et récits sexospécifiques qui limitent le panel de combattants abordés. Alors que les gouvernements mettent de plus en plus l'accent sur les « contre-récits » pour prévenir la radicalisation et encourager le désengagement des groupes armés non étatiques, les preuves empiriques de la mesure dans laquelle un tel cadrage des conflits entre gouvernements et insurgés pourrait affecter la façon dont les recrues calculent leurs options sont insuffisantes. Tandis que les programmes de « déradicalisation » prolifèrent dans le monde entier et que les programmes de désarmement, de désengagement et de réintégration continuent à perpétuer les stéréotypes de genre, il est essentiel d’étudier les raisons pour lesquelles certains hommes et certaines femmes se désengagent de la violence contrairement à d'autres, les facteurs que ces personnes prennent en compte dans leur décision, et la manière dont les normes sexospécifiques affectent ces décisions. Cet article s'appuie sur plus de 100 entretiens avec des hommes et femmes ayant précédemment combattu dans sept départements de Colombie pour analyser les effets du cadrage des conflits entre les insurgés des FARC et le gouvernement colombien, dans lesquels les normes de genre et les dynamiques de pouvoir liées au genre jouent des rôles clés. Il soutient que ce cadrage sexospécifique des conflits est essentiel aux décisions de désengagement des combattants individuels, en particulier pour influencer la manière dont les combattantes perçoivent leurs alternatives et gèrent leurs voies de sortie des groupes armés non-étatiques.

2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (8) ◽  
pp. 1172-1184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Curtis E. Phills ◽  
Amanda Williams ◽  
Jennifer M. Wolff ◽  
Ashley Smith ◽  
Rachel Arnold ◽  
...  

Two studies examined the relationship between explicit stereotyping and prejudice by investigating how stereotyping of minority men and women may be differentially related to prejudice. Based on research and theory related to the intersectional invisibility hypothesis (Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008), we hypothesized that stereotyping of minority men would be more strongly related to prejudice than stereotyping of minority women. Supporting our hypothesis, in both the United Kingdom (Study 1) and the United States (Study 2), when stereotyping of Black men and women were entered into the same regression model, only stereotyping of Black men predicted prejudice. Results were inconsistent in regard to South Asians and East Asians. Results are discussed in terms of the intersectional invisibility hypothesis (Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008) and the gendered nature of the relationship between stereotyping and attitudes.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 238-251
Author(s):  
Jorge Enrique Forero

The inevitable incursion of Colombian armed groups into Ecuador remained at low levels for decades, but in the late 1990s the United States increased its level of engagement in the conflict and the Colombian government permitted the expansion of paramilitaries into the South of the country. While Rafael Correa’s Plan Ecuador privileged economic development in the border region as a way of promoting peace there, the massacre by the Colombian military in Angostura (Sucumbíos) in March 2008 led to an increase in military spending and increasing violations of the human rights of the region’s people. Socioeconomic conditions remain favorable to the expansion of the paramilitary organizations, linked to drug trafficking, gasoline smuggling, and other illegal activities. Without the resurrection of Plan Ecuador, their presence will continue to threaten the sovereignty of the state and the consolidation of its progressive national project. La incursión inevitable de los grupos armados colombianos en Ecuador se mantuvo en niveles bajos durante décadas, pero a finales de los 90s los Estados Unidos aumentaron su nivel de participación en el conflicto y el gobierno colombiano permitió la expansión de los paramilitares en el sur del país. Si bien el Plan Ecuador de Rafael Correa privilegió el desarrollo económico en la región fronteriza como una forma de promover la paz allí, la masacre por el ejército colombiano en Angostura (Sucumbíos) en marzo de 2008 generó un incremento en el gasto militar y el aumento de violaciones de los derechos humanos de la gente de la región. Las condiciones socioeconómicas siguen siendo favorables a la expansión de las organizaciones paramilitares, vinculadas al tráfico de drogas, contrabando de gasolina, y otras actividades ilegales. Sin la resurrección del Plan Ecuador, su presencia seguirá amenazando la soberanía del Estado y la consolidación de su proyecto nacional progresista.


Author(s):  
Anna Rędzio

Stereotypes concerning women's mathematical abilities are widespread and can become an obstacle for some women to succeed in this domain, thus, they can be one of the possible reasons for the gap between men and women in mathematics. There is significant empirical evidence confirming that women in the situation of stereotype threat (i.e. when they are afraid of confirming that they are less gifted in mathematics than men are) perform worse than their colleagues who are not threatened in this way. There is also empirical evidence that another psychological phenomenon, intellectual helplessness in mathematics, is a predictor of school achievement in mathematics as well as general intellectual capabilities are. An experimental study with women active in STEM (graduates at university of engineering) as participants was conducted to test the relationships between intellectual helplessness experienced in mathematics classes and vulnerability to stereotype threat. All participants completed Intellectual Helplessness Inventory and afterwards they all received the same tasks to perform. One group was informed those tasks were diagnostic of mathematical abilities (experimental condition, stereotype threat induced) and the other group received the information that those tasks were testing their perceptiveness (control condition, no threat induced). The results indicated that there was an interesting correlation: Women who exhibited lack of intellectual helplessness in mathematics reacted paradoxically to stereotype threat (improved instead of impairing their performance). However, those who reported higher intellectual helplessness in mathematics, reacted typically to stereotype threat, i.e. performed worse than the control group. These results suggest that intellectual helplessness can be a factor impacting vulnerability or immunity to stereotype threat, but further research confirming this dependency is necessary.


Author(s):  
Erin C. Cassese

Intersectionality is an analytic framework used to study social and political inequality across a wide range of academic disciplines. This framework draws attention to the intersections between various social categories, including race, gender, sexuality, class, and (dis)ability. Scholarship in this area notes that groups at these intersections are often overlooked, and in overlooking them, we fail to see the ways that the power dynamics associated with these categories reinforce one another to create interlocking systems of advantage and disadvantage that extend to social, economic, and political institutions. Representational intersectionality is a specific application of intersectionality concerned with the role that widely shared depictions of groups in popular media and culture play in producing and reinforcing social hierarchy. These representations are the basis for widely held group stereotypes that influence public opinion and voter decision-making. Intersectional stereotypes are the set of stereotypes that occur at the nexus between multiple group categories. Rather than considering stereotypes associated with individual social groups in isolation (e.g., racial stereotypes vs. gender stereotypes), this perspective acknowledges that group-based characteristics must be considered conjointly as mutually constructing categories. What are typically considered “basic” categories, like race and gender, operate jointly in social perception to create distinct compound categories, with stereotype profiles that are not merely additive collections of overlapping stereotypes from each individual category, but rather a specific set of stereotypes that are unique to the compound social group. Intersectional stereotypes in political contexts including campaigns and policy debates have important implications for descriptive representation and material policy outcomes. In this respect, they engage with fundamental themes linked to political and structural inequality.


1998 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 23-35
Author(s):  
Charlotte Methuen

The broader theme of gender and Christian religion presupposes three definitions: of Christianity, of religion, and of gender. Probably none of these is as simple as it might first appear, but that of gender is perhaps the most critical for our theme. Although there are still some who would use the terms ‘gender’ and ‘sex’ interchangeably, there is a growing tendency to recognize an important distinction between gender – that is, femininity and masculinity, regarded as largely socially constructed – and sex, the biological distinction between male and female human beings. Gender is best considered as born out of interactions between men and women. This means that the gender roles which make up what we experience as masculinity and femininity cannot be defined by looking only at men or at women, although ideas about both can be gained from looking at one group or the other. That is why gender history is different from women’s history, and that is why both women’s history and gender history are essential enterprises. We need women’s history because we need to know where women were as well as where they were not.


2021 ◽  
pp. 319-328
Author(s):  
Bettina Pfleiderer ◽  
Paulina Juszczyk

Rigid gender roles and gender stereotypes can limit both women's and men's choices, opportunities and access to power and resources. While both sexes suffer from domestic violence, women are more likely to experience repeated and severe forms of abuse, including sexual violence. However, the concept of gender goes beyond numbers, and it is an important human factor that is not integrated sufficiently in existing training, risk assessment tools and procedures. Understanding the gendered nature of domestic violence, but nevertheless taking into account that both men and women can suffer from violence, or be perpetrators, enables front-line responders to develop services that are sensitive to the different needs of individuals affected by domestic violence (DV). This chapter introduces the principles of innovative gender-sensitive training and education for various front-line responder groups. This chapter explains the reasons for it and how the gender norms and perceptions identified in the IMPRODOVA research, which may have a negative impact on front-line responders' responses to DV, were addressed in all IMPRODOVA instruments and guidelines in teaching formats.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Riane Eisler

IJPS Editor-in-Chief Riane Eisler interviews Gary Barker, President and CEO of Promundo, co-founder of MenCare, and coordinator of the International Men and Gender Equality Survey, about his work in changing rigid gender stereotypes and the role this plays in moving to a more equitable, less violent, more caring future for both men and women.


Inner Asia ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-69
Author(s):  
M. L. Butovskaya ◽  
E. B. Guchinova

AbstractKalmyk social life has been transformed over the 20th century, and this article documents changes specifically in the sexual division of labour and gender relations. Previous social norms (which differed from widely-held suppositions aboutmale dominance in all spheres of life)were drastically altered by the Soviet regime, changing work patterns and living conditions for both sexes. The article focuses mainly on Post-Socialist transformations, which are discussed through analysis of field-data concerning Kalmyk children. It was found that there are significant differences between the play activities of boys and girls, the gender norms they uphold, and the actual patterns of relations between men and women found among adults. The gender norms children uphold in speech are stereotyped and more ‘conservative’ than either their own behaviour or that of their parents. Nevertheless, observation of boys and girls at play showed definite differences in aggressiveness and responsiveness, the types of games preferred, and patterns of inter-relations among / between the sexes, and the article concludes that human behavioural universals may be evident here.


Author(s):  
Anastasiia Tomko ◽  
Julia Andriichenko

The article is devoted to the description of gender specifics of the use of emotionallyexpressive vocabulary in a literary text on the basis of communicative behavior of a female character and a male character. The article provides an overview of the history of gender research in linguistics and gender differences in language behavior. The definition of the concept of "emotionally expressive vocabulary" is also considered. The purpose of the study is to try to describe the use of emotionally expressive vocabulary depending on the gender of the speaker. Definitions such as "gender", "emotional vocabulary" and "expressive vocabulary" are given. Gender stereotypes of femininity and masculinity, the social roles of women and men, their pattern of behavior, as well as the asymmetry of social relations between men and women are reflected in their communicative behavior. Thus, stereotypes of female and male behavior affect the features of emotional communicative behavior. The main content of the theory of linguist R. Lakoff, the theory of dominance of B. Thorne and D. Cameron, D. Tannen are outlined. The study allowed us to state that communicative behavior in men and women has characteristic differences, in particular the means of its expression. The main differences in gender communication are identified, namely: conversation, status positions, sphere of communication, etc. Thus, emotionally expressive vocabulary is characteristic of both male and female speech. However, the means of its actualization differ. Emotionality in women is diverse (epithets, metaphors, exclamations, suffixes), and this can be explained by the fact that women's speech is more emotionally represented, while men's speech is less emotionally rich.


POPULATION ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 151-161
Author(s):  
Marina Berikova ◽  
Garold Latinov

The problems of building and realizing the self-identity of men and women through the practice of gender awareness education are relevant to all countries and cultures to varying degrees. The article attempts to conduct a comparative analysis of gender policy in Russia and China at the present stage in two aspects: education in the field of equality of rights and opportunities of men and women; correction of gender stereotypes and biases. The specificity of the approach to solving gender problems correlates with the national-cultural, political, religious, and ethical characteristics of the Russian and Chinese peoples. In Russia, as in China, the norms and principles of interaction between men and women, as well as the equality of their rights and opportunities in social life, are formally recognized by society and legalized, that contributes to spread of egalitarian views and attitudes. However, the declarative nature of this recognition often manifests itself in the lives of citizens of both States. Nevertheless, the traditional gender stereotypes are being overcome in Russian and Chinese society (in each in its own way), the authorities are trying to expand the legislative framework on gender equality of men and women, attract administrative resources to improve the level of gender culture of the population, as well as develop and implement programs designed for women. The strategic direction of gender policy and gender awareness education remains the development of a systematic approach to the presence of a gender component in the understanding of social processes, to the integration of the achievements of both sexes in the organization of society.


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