Transcending the borders of Irish identity? Narratives of northern nationalist footballers in Northern Ireland

2010 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 436-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darragh McGee ◽  
Alan Bairner

In light of a growing trend by which Northern Irish-born footballers opt to pledge their sporting allegiance to the Republic of Ireland, the issue of player eligibility has become the subject of much public and political debate across the island of Ireland. In seeking to shed light on this controversial topic, this article examines the myriad factors which are negotiated by northern nationalist footballers when faced with the choice of which ‘nation’ to which they belong. Based on extracts from a series of interviews with northern nationalist players, the study situates their lived experiences within the broader socio-political landscape of Northern Ireland, highlighting a range of factors from the perceived culpability of the Irish Football Association (IFA) to sporting pragmatism on the part of the players. The research is theoretically grounded in the writings of Norbert Elias and Pierre Bourdieu, in particular by utilizing their respective interpretations of the socio-psychological concept of habitus in an attempt to understand the interplay between the relatively superficial and potentially temporary nature of sporting identity and a more deeply ingrained sense of national or political identification.

2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (5) ◽  
pp. 745-773 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen P. Corrigan ◽  
Chloé Diskin

AbstractThe Republic of Ireland (ROI) and Northern Ireland (NI) have recently become attractive migrant destinations. Two main dialectal varieties are recognised on the island, but little is known about their adoption by new speakers. Focusing on a panlectal feature, discourse like, we conducted a quantitative sociolinguistic investigation of its adoption by seventeen young Polish and Lithuanian migrants in Armagh (NI), and thirty-six Polish and Chinese adult migrants in Dublin (ROI), with comparator samples drawn from native speakers. Findings show that like rates in both cities diverge, but that migrants mirror local frequencies. Clause-final like is restricted primarily to native speakers, but is twice as frequent in Armagh than in Dublin. English proficiency has a significant effect on the likelihood of young migrants in Armagh adopting the clause-final variant. The article's significance also stems from the original contribution it makes to our understanding of how sociolinguistic competence is acquired in ‘superdiverse’ settings. (Discourse like, identity, migration, Northern Irish-English, Hiberno-English, Ulster English, Southern Irish-English)*


Author(s):  
Jim Bell ◽  
Maurice Murray ◽  
Kate Madden

JIM BELL, MAURICE MURRAY AND KATE Madden are with the University of Ulster atJordanstown, Northern Ireland. Since 1986 the Northern Ireland Department of Economic Development has sponsored a series of export training programmes focusing on European and North American markets. Initially, these activities were developed in conjunction with AnCo (now FAS), the training agency in the Republic of Ireland and were partially funded by the International Fund for Ireland. In 1989, due to a change in remit, FAS took a decision to target training towards school leavers rather than graduates, thereby suspending their involvement. The DED increased their involvement, however, thus enabling more Northern Irish firms and graduates to benefit from the initiative. This paper focuses on the Export Marketing Training Programme, which aims to develop export competence among small Irish firms while at the same time increasing the stock of exportise by developing future generations of international marketing managers. Following an outline of the salient features of the programmes, discussion centres on an evaluation of their impact on the export performance of participating firms and on benefits derived by young graduates who have been involved in the previous programmes.


Legal Studies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 494-506
Author(s):  
Tom Hickey

AbstractIn her early work, the feminist legal scholar Erika Rackley uses the image of Ronald Dworkin's superjudge Hercules to shed light on the experience of the woman judge and on law and adjudication in the liberal legal order. She sees Hercules as representing the judge ‘who inhabits our legal imagination’, and as conjuring up problematic notions of unimpeachable wisdom, detached neutrality and super-humanism. This paper assesses Rackley's argument in light of the feminist judgments scholarship that has emerged in the meantime. It contests Rackley's claim that Hercules, or what he represents, is a patriarchal influence in the real world of law, and argues that he might instead be understood to accommodate, or even to encourage, principled evolutions in law along the lines of those suggested by the feminist judgments literature. This assessment is done mainly through the lens of Stokes v CBS Clonmel, a judgment of the Irish Supreme Court concerning indirect discrimination that was later the subject of a feminist judgment in the Northern/Irish Feminst Judgments volume. The broader aim of this assessment is to interrogate the insights and implications of feminist judgments scholarship.The paper is in four parts. Part 1 places feminist approaches to adjudication in broader theoretical context. Part 2 considers Dworkin's theory of adjudication and Rackley's critique. Part 3 sets out the approach taken by both the real-world and feminist judges in the Stokes case. Part 4 critiques Rackley's take on Hercules in light of the approach adopted in those judgments and draws on preceding analysis to interrogate the insights and implications of feminist judgments scholarship.


Quaerendo ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 130-158
Author(s):  
Henk Th. Van Veen

AbstractThe subject of this article is a collection of letters from Pieter Blaeu to Antonio Magliabechi, the librarian of the Grand-Duke of Tuscany. These letters are kept in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale in Florence. They shed light on Pieter's activities as a book-seller, printer and publisher and do away with the impression which has hitherto been conveyed of him as a man who held aloof from the family business. They also contain important information about the functioning of the Blaeu firm in its sparsely documented 'later days'. Finally the letters provide us with a glimpse of the book-trade between Italy and the Republic in the second half of the seventeenth century, a subject that has so far been studied relatively little. The present article concentrates on one of the many aspects of the correspondence - the assistance which Pieter requested and obtained on two occasions from the Italians in accomplishing Blaeu projects. The first occasion on which he appealed to Magliabechi was when he required drawings for the book on Tuscan towns which was supposed to appear in the series of books on the towns of Italy. Thanks to Magliabechi a considerable number of these drawings were executed, but, for various reasons, the plan was doomed to fail. The second occasion was when the Blaeus were proposing to issue an edition of Petronius's Satyricon which would include the recently discovered fragment of the Cena Trimalchionis. This fragment was printed in Padua in 1664 and Magliabechi made sure that the Blaeus obtained this first edition as quickly as possible. In contrast to the book of Tuscan towns the Blaeu Satyricon was indeed published: it appeared in 1669 with a dedication to Antonio Magliabechi.


2011 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naomi Wells

Political debate concerning the recognition of regional and minority languages has been the subject of much study in recent years. However, with the focus on separatist and/or nationalist forces, the centre-left has often been overlooked in such studies. In both Asturias in Spain and the Veneto in Italy, centre-left parties have taken a particularly ambivalent approach towards language revival policies, and the ideologies behind this approach merit further study. Drawing particularly on Bourdieu’s work, the author will consider how linguistic hierarchies and linguistic capital are reflected in centre-left discourse and actions concerning the respective local languages. This will shed light on the ambiguous role of the centre-left concerning language policy, and provide further insight into the compatibility of liberal and progressive politics with language revival policies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9s3 ◽  
pp. 73-94
Author(s):  
Chris Reynolds

This article offers a reflection on the potency of combining oral history and agonistic memory. Via the specific example of a recent collaboration between the author and National Museums NI on the subject of 1968, it will be argued that the symbiotic relationship between this methodological approach and theoretical underpinning provides a potentially effective response to the current and pressing challenge of managing the legacy of the Troubles as part of the Northern Irish peace process. The success of this approach in the particular and difficult context of Northern Ireland suggests that there are potential lessons for other post-conflict societies coming to terms with the challenges of their own difficult pasts.


Porównania ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 41-54
Author(s):  
Frank Ferguson

At a time of when the global crises of pandemic and climate change could be said to offer sufficient challenges to life in the British and Irish Isles, the implementation of Brexit provides a further gargantuan difficulty. Borders, bureaucracies and belief systems dissolve like the certainty that subjects once felt to their connection to states or Unions. Or new borders and systems appear, bringing with them unwieldy new protocols and practices. Shelves empty, goods sit locked in containers; caught up in the holding pattern of another new normal of online retail inertia. Dislocation, fear and anger rise. The epicentre of the Brexit shambles can be said to be located in the ever betwixt and between location of Northern Ireland. Here with its newly imposed sea border with Great Britain and its maintenance of European Union relations with the Republic of Ireland we see a fractured and fractious society struggling as ever to come to terms with how to balance the aspiration of opposing ideologies and national ambitions with an additional level of chaos. In a time of catastrophe what can literature do? This question, often posed during “The Troubles” has very much come back to be painfully reiterated to writers, readers and critics at a time of multiple lockdowns. However, if an examination is made of publishing in Ireland in the last couple of years, we see a buoyant press offering a number of intriguing responses to the significance and efficacy of literature to respond to the current human predicament. In this article I will examine the work of three contemporary writers, Gerald Dawe, Angela Graham, and Dara McAnulty. I will argue that their use of genre (memoir, short story, nature diary) provides a fresh and robust response to the chaotic present of Northern Irish political life. In their separate ways they contest the fixed, static and impermeable political echo chamber of Northern Ireland. Dawe, I contend, seeks a means through his autobiographical work to retrace time and space in the history of the province and articulate alternative ways of interpreting the past. He is able to draw sustenance and restoration from often overlooked times of possibility in his own and the wider story of Belfast. In Graham’s case, I would suggest that her bold and assertive first collection of short stories provides an acerbic and raw inspection of the past but one that also provides glimpses of reconciliation and genuine hope in the face of trauma. I conclude by exploring the work of McAnulty. Ostensibly a diary that traces his engagements with nature, his book is a tour de force that reimagines Ireland as a location gripped in the ravages of the Anthropocene startlingly brought to life by a young man faced with the challenges of autism. Part memoir, part praise poem to nature, it is a remarkable coming of age non-fiction work, which along with Dawe’s and Graham’s writing suggests that Northern Irish literature offers a broad and brilliant retort to the current local and global calamities that we face.


Urban Studies ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 806-821 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul J Maginn ◽  
Graham Ellison

Commercial forms of sex such as prostitution/sex work, strip clubs and even sex shops have been the subject of much political debate and policy regulation over the last decade or so in the UK and Ireland. These myriad forms of commercial sex and land usage have managed to survive and even thrive in the face of public outcry and regulation. Despite being part of the UK we suggest that Northern Ireland has steered its own regulatory course, whereby the consumption of commercial sexual spaces and services have been the subject of intense moral and legal oversight in ways that are not apparent in other UK regions. Nevertheless, in spite of this we also argue that the context of Northern Ireland may provide some lessons for the ways that religious values and moral reasoning can influence debates on commercial sex elsewhere.


Author(s):  
Mathew Whiting

When Sinn Féin and the IRA emerged in Northern Ireland in 1969 they used a combination of revolutionary politics and violence to an effort to overthrow British rule. Today, the IRA is in a state of ‘retirement’, violence is a tactic of the past, and Sinn Féin is a co-ruler of Northern Ireland and an ever growing political player in the Republic of Ireland. This is one of the most startling transformations of a radical violent movement into a peaceful political one in recent times. So what exactly changed within Irish republicanism, what remains the same, and, crucially, what caused these changes? Where existing studies explain the decision to end violence as the product of stalemate or strategic interplay with the British state, this book draws on a wealth of archival material and interviews to argue that moderation was a long-term process of increasing inclusion and contact with political institutions, which gradually extracted moderate concessions from republicanism. Crucially, these concessions did not necessitate republicans forsaking their long-term ethno-national goals. The book also considers the wider implications of Irish republicanism for other cases of separatist conflict, and has significance for the future study of state responses to violent separatism and of comparative peace processes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 44-59
Author(s):  
Lidia Peneva

Crimes against marriage and family are a particular group of social relation­ships that the law has defended properly in view of the high public significance and value they enjoy. At the moment they are regulated in Chapter VI, Section I, of the specific part of the Penal Code the Repub­lic of Bulgaria. The subject matter of this Statement will, however, be the legisla­tive provisions concerning these criminal­ized acts in retrospect. The purpose of the study is to show by historical method and through the comparatively legal method the development of these criminal groups during the periods of various criminal laws in Bulgaria. This will also provide a basis for reflection on possible de lege ferenda proposals. This report from a structural point of view will be divided into three distinct points, marking each of the penal laws in the Republic of Bulgaria, which were in force before 1968.


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