scholarly journals Microtargeted propaganda by foreign actors: An interdisciplinary exploration

Author(s):  
Ronan Ó Fathaigh ◽  
Tom Dobber ◽  
Frederik Zuiderveen Borgesius ◽  
James Shires

This article discusses a problem that has received scant attention in literature: microtargeted propaganda by foreign actors. Microtargeting involves collecting information about people, and using that information to show them targeted political advertisements. Such microtargeting enables advertisers to target ads to specific groups of people, for instance people who visit certain websites, forums, or Facebook groups. This article focuses on one type of microtargeting: microtargeting by foreign actors. For example, Russia has targeted certain groups in the US with ads, aiming to sow discord. Foreign actors could also try to influence European elections, for instance by advertising in favour of a certain political party. Foreign propaganda possibilities existed before microtargeting. This article explores two questions. In what ways, if any, is microtargeted propaganda by foreign actors different from other foreign propaganda? What could lawmakers in Europe do to mitigate the risks of microtargeted propaganda?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Israa Daas ◽  

Abstract The Palestine-Israel conflict is probably one of the most pressing problems in the Middle East. Moreover, the United States has been involved in this conflict since the 1970s. Therefore, the present research aims to learn more about the American perception of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It was conducted using a survey that addressed Americans from different backgrounds, focusing on four variables: the American government’s position, solutions, the Israeli settlements, and Jerusalem. The research suggests a correlation between political party and the American perception of the conflict. It appears that Republicans seem to be against the withdrawal of the Israeli settlements, and they believe that the US government is not biased toward Israel. Nevertheless, Democrats tend to believe that the US government is biased in favor of Israel, and they support withdrawing the Israeli settlements. Moreover, there might be another correlation between the American perception and the source of information they use to learn about the conflict. Most of the surveyed Americans, whatever their resource of information that they use to learn about the conflict is, tend to believe that the US is biased in favor of Israel. It is crucial to know about the American perception when approaching to a solution to the conflict as the US is a mediator in this conflict, and a powerful country in the world. Especially because it has a permanent membership in the UN council. KEYWORDS: American Perception, Palestine-Israel Conflict, Jerusalem, Israeli settlements


Author(s):  
Wendy C. Grenade

One of the consequences of the demise of the Grenada Revolution and the US invasion of Grenada in 1983 was the formation of a new political party architecture to break with the past to rid Grenada of the vestiges of the revolution and the Eric Gairy regime that preceded it. The new architecture was intended to transcend authoritarianism, intra-party conflict and political violence to turn Grenada into a showcase for democracy and free enterprise. This chapter maps the contours of party politics in post-revolutionary Grenada. It argues that Grenada has transitioned to formal democracy but has not yet achieved deeper substantive democracy. The chapter teases out lessons from the Grenada case for democratic renewal in the Caribbean.


Author(s):  
Amílcar Antonio Barreto

Puerto Ricans, US subjects since 1898, were naturalized en masse in 1917. Congress did so to eliminate the possibility of independence from the US. That citizenship is the cornerstone of island-mainland relations for those advocating a continued relationship with the United States—either in the form of the 1952 Commonwealth constitution or statehood. The epicenter of Puerto Rican partisan life remains the status question. This remarkably stable political party system featured two strong parties of near-equal strength—the pro-Commonwealth PPD and its statehood challenger, the PNP— and a small independence party, the PIP. A core feature of the PNP’s platform has been estadidad jíbara—"creole statehood.” In theory, a future State of Puerto Rico would be allowed to retain its cultural and linguistic autonomy while attaining full membership as the 51st state of the Union.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia Leser ◽  
Florian Spissinger

By focusing on negative affects, such as anger, fear and hate, a normative critique of affective politics tends to overlook the ambiguity and situated nature of affective politics. This paper suggests embracing the ambivalences that characterise the emotional dynamics in political arenas; therefore, it emphasises the functionality of affects. The study adopts a post-dualistic understanding of political affects based on the conceptual devices of Sara Ahmed and Kathleen Stewart to analyse the affective practices and performances of the German political party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). An ethnographic lens and analytical focus on the affective politics of far-right agents beyond negativity can permit more subtle nuances and highlight potentially overlooked facets of enactment and performance that have contributed to the successes of far-right political organisations in Europe and the US. The paper ultimately argues that the use of ‘ordinary’ affects produces legitimacy, renders far-right politics appealing and contributes to the normalisation of far-right discourse.


2020 ◽  
pp. 147892992093981
Author(s):  
Victoria Stoiciu ◽  
Sergiu Gherghina

Intra-party deliberation has the potential to involve groups that are traditionally under-represented in politics. This article aims to identify the conditions that favor and inhibit the inclusion of four under-represented categories in intra-party deliberation. It analyzes how a newly formed Romanian political party engages women, lower social strata, ethnic minorities, and sexual minorities. Deliberation was used to select the candidates for the 2019 European elections. The empirical evidence comes from ethnographic research, and the results indicate that the progressive stance of the party and a stepwise structure of deliberation favor the inclusion of under-represented groups.


2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. i-vii
Author(s):  
Richard Duffy ◽  
Brendan D Kelly

The word ‘adherence’ refers to the provision of consistent support (eg. for a political party or religion) or the act of holding particular elements together (eg. in constructing a building). In the medical context, adherence refers to the extent to which patients take their medications as prescribed. While the terminology related to medical adherence has changed significantly over the past two millennia, the core issue has not. Most recently, the term ‘adherence’ has replaced the term ‘compliance’, although it still jostles with ‘concordance’ in a growing literature which focuses now, as always, on one key question: why do so many people seek treatment for illness but then decide not to take their prescribed medication? This is an important question, both in terms of public health and societal cost: in the US, up to 50% of patients do not take their prescribed medications, resulting in additional healthcare costs of $290 billion per year. The greatest cost of non-adherence, however, relates to prolonged illness, increased rates of relapse and reduced wellness.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-271
Author(s):  
Elizabeth R. Earle

This study examines the recent developments in the #MeToo and Time’s Up Movements in the United States and how these developments have been portrayed in the US media. Through examining examples of US media, this article shows the media’s portrayal of the movement as politicized and polarized changed and developed after the appointment of Brett Kavanaugh to the US Supreme Court. The article argues that after Kavanaugh’s appointment, the media began to downplay the tensions of race and class in the #MeToo movement. Instead of focusing on tensions of race and class, the media shifted to focus on the polarization of #MeToo along political party lines.


Author(s):  
Dan Cassino ◽  
Yasemin Besen-Cassino

Issues arising from the measurement of gender identity on surveys have received scant attention from survey methodologists. We make use of three studies (two in the US and one in Mexico) to look at the effects of asking about gender identity on downstream measurements of political party affiliation. In all three studies, we show a significant impact of priming respondents to think about gender identity on expressed political identity. In two of the studies, we also find conditional effects based on the predispositions of respondents, and we find throughout that these effects are much stronger for men than for women.<br /><br />Key messages<br /><ul><li>Asking about their gender identity leads to significant shifts in men’s reported partisanship.</li><br /><li>In the US, saying that they are more masculine leads men to say that they are more Republican.</li><br /><li>While they are needed to bring our analyses in line with our theories, researchers need to be careful about how they use sexual orientation and gender identity items in surveys.</li></ul>


2015 ◽  
Vol 41 (10) ◽  
pp. 1059-1076 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffery Scott Bredthauer ◽  
Brian C. Payne ◽  
Jiri Tresl ◽  
Gordon V. Karels

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the absolute and risk-adjusted stock return performance of the US health care industry conditional upon the presidential administration’s political party and the Federal Reserve’s monetary policy stance. It evaluates this return behavior across the 60-year time period from 1954 to 2013, and sub-divides this entire period into the pre-Medicare period (1954-1964), Medicare period (1965-1984), and Medicare-plus-high-health-care-inflation period (1985-2013). Design/methodology/approach – The study uses monthly returns to the health care industry and overall market, characterizing each sample month as either having a Republican or Democratic president and either a contractionary or expansionary monetary policy regime determined by whether the Federal Reserve is increasing or decreasing interest rates, respectively. It incorporates univariate and multivariate analysis to quantify the return behavior of both the health care industry and the overall market during the entire period and all three sub-periods. Additionally, it utilizes a common four-factor multivariate regression model and associated hypothesis testing to characterize risk-adjusted excess returns (i.e. α) to the health care industry during the entire period and all three sub-periods. Findings – The health care industry has earned robust, positive risk-adjusted returns with the magnitude of the returns sensitive to the political party of the administration and the monetary policy regime. The authors find that prior to 1965 (1954-1964), when the president was a Republican, during times of monetary contraction, health care earned an excess risk-adjusted return. There was no association between Democratic administrations and excess health care returns prior to 1965. In contrast, the authors find that after 1965 this relationship changes. The authors find that returns to health care were positive for Republicans during times of monetary expansion and positive for Democrats during monetary contraction. The authors also find this relationship has become more pronounced after 1984. Originality/value – The study extends prior literature, which has shown that the health care industry is a priced factor in the US stock market and that it provides significant risk-adjusted returns in the recent past. Uniquely, this study shows that the excess returns to health care vary considerably over the past 60 years, and that these excess returns are quite sensitive to political policy, proxied by the presidential administration party, and monetary policy, as measured using Fed discount rate changes. These findings have implications for management and shareholders of highly regulated and subsidized industries and firms.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel M. Butler ◽  
Christopher F. Karpowitz ◽  
Jeremy C. Pope

This article considers the hypothesis that the positive actions taken by members of Congress (MCs) influence citizens’ evaluations of them, their party, and Congress as an institution. We begin with a look at the available cross-sectional survey data on contact with legislators and legislator and institutional approval. Their legislative responsiveness appears to have a small spillover effect on institutions. However, when we employ a unique panel design that controls for prior levels of opinion and avoids recall bias, we find no evidence of spillover effects. Overall, we find that constituents who received a response from their own MC evaluate that representative more positively than those who did not receive a response, but legislator responsiveness does not predict evaluations of the MC’s political party or the Congress.


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