The Seven Dwarfs and Other Tales How the Networks and Select Newspapers Covered the 1988 Democratic Primaries

1993 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Johnson

This study of newspaper and television coverage in the 1988 Democratic primaries before Michael Dukakis established himself as the front-runner suggests that the media covered this election differently than they did earlier ones that featured a clear leader. For instance, all those actively campaigning for the presidency in 1988 received relatively equal amounts of coverage and the nominal leader, Dukakis, enjoyed favorable coverage throughout the race.

2001 ◽  
Vol 100 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-127
Author(s):  
Jane Johnston

Despite widespread legal analysis and critical review over the past 20 years, television access into the Australian court system has been slow and piecemeal, with Australia falling behind Canadian and New Zealand initiatives in this area. A recent major report into camera access in the Federal Court has refocused attention on this area, but analysis continues to be primarily from a legal perspective rather than a media one. This paper considers the televised court coverage in Australia to this point, analyses change in the international environment and suggests possible futures for the televising of Australian courts, while also attempting to lay some foundations for discussion beyond the legal, and into the media, domain.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 742-757 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vera Tolz

This article analyzes official discourse of the nation during Vladimir Putin's third presidency, as reflected in Russian television coverage of Islam and migration. It argues that the replacement of earlier deliberately ambiguous definitions of Russian nationhood with clearly framed exclusive visions reflects the change in the regime's legitimation strategy from one based on economic performance to one based on its security record. In this context, the systematic promotion of Russian ethnonationalism for the purpose of achieving the regime's general stability began not at the time of Crimea's annexation, as it is often assumed, but at the time of Putin's reelection amidst public protests in 2012. The goal of representing the authorities as attentive to public grievances in a society where opinion polls register high levels of xenophobia has prompted state-controlled broadcasters to use ethnoracial definitions of the nation that they had previously avoided. The media campaigns analyzed here also reflect abrupt changes in the precise identity of Russia's main Others. Such instrumentally adopted sharp discursive swings are unlikely to constitute an appropriate tool for societal consensus management and for the achievement of political stability in the long term.


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 487-511 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Vivier ◽  
Brice Monier ◽  
Lois Rose

At the end of the 1980s, representations of French basketball underwent radical changes. Basketball games lost their small-town atmosphere and became theater: grandiose shows, dramatized by the media, which became a part of French public life. The aim of this study was to evaluate the influence of American “basketball culture” on the representations of young French readers by analyzing the front covers of Maxi Basket, the magazine that has dominated the basketball press since it first appeared on newsstands in September 1982. The magazine clearly illustrates the movement of the French game of basketball toward theatricalization, commercialization, television coverage, and globalization, similar to the American game. The arrival of American basketball in France and its subsequent integration, a strong marker of the “Americamania” of the ’80s, was a symptom of the dialectical link that connected the manufacture of material goods with the production of cultural goods.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (6) ◽  
pp. 1083-1099 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen C. Hutchings

The article addresses the representation of gypsies in Russian television news bulletins and popular drama series over a 15-month period. It seeks first to explain the prominence of the media image of the gypsy relative to the size of the Roma population and second to account for the relationship between fictional and non-fictional modes of representation. Situating itself within the broader field of post-Soviet Russian identity studies and applying qualitative tools differentiated according to the arena of analysis, it looks at questions of lexicon, voice and viewpoint in relation to news and issues of characterization, fictional space and plot with respect to drama. The two apparatuses are linked through a shared emphasis on narrative, and in particular on its dual orientation toward the exceptional (what makes a story worth telling and capable of embracing “difference”) and the typical (what enables it to represent and project “identity”). In its central argument it maps this dual “identity/difference” dynamic onto the gypsy's liminal status as both “of the self” and “of the other”, and its mediatory function: the ability to serve as a proxy for ethno-cultural difference more generally, and to negotiate the tensions between the cultural and racial aspects of ethnicity.


2013 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Doherty

The role of communications and information media long has been acknowledged as a key factor in religious controversy. Since the 1970s “cult wars,” new religions scholars have focused considerable attention on how the media communicate, influence and frame public perception of new religious movements. In this article, I briefly survey ways in which constant changes in communications media and consumption require scholars to reassess interaction between the media and new religious movements. Using as a test-case the Church of Scientology’s interaction with Australian “tabloid television” programs in a series of heavily publicized controversies, I outline some traditional journalistic practices and media constraints, identified by scholars, in television coverage of Scientology in Australia. I will introduce a series of additional practices and contingent factors dealing specifically with tabloid television which may assist scholars in assessing the complex relationship between the media and new religions.


Journalism ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (11) ◽  
pp. 1588-1607 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marina Dekavalla

This article explores frame building in Scottish television coverage of the 2014 independence referendum. It uses content analysis of news and current affairs coverage and semi-structured interviews with broadcasters and their sources to explain how factors internal and external to the media may be specifically connected to the prominence of generic issue and game frames in the coverage. It argues that broadcasters’ perception of their role in this event and the powerful influence of political sources were factors that encouraged policy-focused coverage, while the journalistic routine of balance and media organizations’ perceptions of what would attract audiences favoured the strategic game frame.


Author(s):  
Richard A. Voeltz `

Media critics of the war in Afghanistan and Prince Harry’s participation in it hoped that his imagined kidnapping by the Taliban portrayed in the British TV mockumentary The Taking of Prince Harry (2010) would prevent his return to Afghanistan. Prince Harry’s first deployment to Afghanistan in 2007-2008 was conducted under a media blackout to protect him from potential Taliban threats. He returned home after news of his service leaked out on the internet. However, his second deployment to Afghanistan after the mockumentary aired was radically different. The British media was now given almost unlimited access to Captain Wales in terms of interviews, television coverage, and video postings on YouTube. Prince Harry’s second 20 weeks serving in Afghanistan from 2012 to 2013 became an effective reality TV show and viral internet sensation, culminating in the propaganda documentary exercise of Prince Harry: Frontline Afghanistan (2013) that the British government and military hoped would erase the public relations disaster associated with his first deployment that prompted the making of The Taking of Prince Harry. But the successful packaging of Prince Harry proved difficult in the Internet Age. In fact, the perceived unfair treatment of Harry by the media prompted such a strong reaction in him that it can be seen as instrumental in the current attempts by Harry and Meghan to establish new identities separate from the monarchy through a newly refashioned celebrity.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 306-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
Or Bassok

During the 1980s the Israeli Supreme Court went through revolutionary changes, becoming more active in public life and in the political arena. Scholars predicted that the institutional legitimacy of the Court, based on its image as an objective, neutral, and apolitical institution, would decline following these changes. However, public polls showed that the Court's institutional legitimacy remained very high long after the 1980s. This Article aims to explain the lack of a decline in the institutional legitimacy of the Court during those years by presenting an empirical study of the Court's news television coverage beginning with the inception of Channel One (1968) until just before the entrance of the commercially financed Channel Two (1993). The Article shows that the increase in the visibility of the Court was not substantial enough to diminish the Court's image. Moreover, television continued to present the Court, by and large, through a mythical perspective as an objective, neutral, and apolitical body. The Article concludes that the Israeli public, unaware of the changes in the Court's adjudication, continued to award the Court support based on the Court's unchanged fabled image presented by the news media. Hence, a politically active court may continue to receive high public support based on in its mythical image if the changes in its adjudication are not visible to the public. Research of the portrayal of courts in the media is thus of utmost importance in understanding changes in the institutional legitimacy of courts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 293-326
Author(s):  
Isabel Ferin Cunha ◽  
Ana Santos Cabrera

As eleições presidenciais brasileiras de 2018 suscitaram uma grande curiosidade em Portugal e a cobertura jornalística da imprensa e das televisões, abertas e generalistas, refletem esse interesse. Este artigo procura, na introdução, contextualizar os elementos históricos, culturais, políticos e económicos que subjazem à interrelação Portugal-Brasil, pautada por movimentos pendulares humanos contínuos. Em seguida, enquadra-se as eleições brasileiras em tendências macro-políticas mundiais, tendo em consideração a crise das democracias no Ocidente, a emergência de governos populistas, autocráticos e autoritários, assim como a utilização/manipulação dos Media e das redes sociais. Segue-se o estudo empírico sobre a cobertura jornalística das Eleições Presidenciais Brasileiras de 2018, na imprensa (2 diários; 2 semanários e 2 revistas) e na televisão (3 telejornais de canais abertos). Os resultados apontam para uma cobertura intensa tanto na imprensa como na televisão, com um número de notícias significativo, as quais envolvem correspondentes especiais enviados ao Brasil, comentadores de televisão e colunistas de imprensa, para além de testemunhos de personalidades e de cidadãos comuns portugueses e brasileiros. O clima de estupefacção e de incredulidade face ao candidato vencedor prevalece não só nas matérias jornalísticas, como nos comentários e artigos de opinião, até ao final da análise realizada, que decorreu de 1 de Setembro a 1 de Dezembro  de 2018.    AbstractThe Brazilian presidential elections of 2018 aroused a great curiosity in Portugal and the press and television coverage reflect this interest. This article seeks to contextualize the historical, cultural, political and economic elements that underlie the interrelationship between Portugal and Brazil, guided by continuous human movements. Then, the Brazilian elections are framed in global macro-political trends, taking into account the crisis of democracies in the West, the emergence of populist, autocratic and authoritarian governments, as well as the use / manipulation of the Media and social networks. Next we presented the empirical study on the journalistic coverage of the Brazilian Presidential Elections of 2018, in the press (2 daily newspapers, 2 weekly and 2 magazines) and in television (3 open channels of news programs). The results point to intense coverage in both the press and television, with a significant number of news items, which include special correspondents sent to Brazil, television commentators and press columnists, as well as testimonies of personalities and ordinary Portuguese and Brazilians citizens. The atmosphere of stupefaction and disbelief towards the winning candidate prevails not only in journalistic matters, but also in comments and opinion articles, until the end of the review, which took place from 1 September to 1 December 2018.ResumenLas elecciones presidenciales brasileñas de 2018 motivaron una considerable curiosidad en Portugal y la cobertura de noticias en la prensa y en la televisión, abierta y general, reflejan este interés. En la introducción de este articulo se pretende hacer la contextualización de los elementos históricos, culturales, políticas y económicas que subyacen en la interrelación Portugal-Brasil, enmarcada por los desplazamientos humanos pendulares. A continuación, se encuadra las elecciones brasileñas en tendencias macro-políticas mundiales, teniendo en cuenta la crisis de las democracias en el Occidente, la emergencia de gobiernos populistas, autocráticos y autoritarios, así como la utilización / manipulación de los medios y de las redes sociales. Seguidamente se presenta un estudio empírico sobre la cobertura periodística de las Elecciones Presidenciales Brasileñas de 2018, en la prensa (2 diarios, 2 semanales y 2 revistas) y en la televisión (3 telediarios de canales abiertos). Los resultados apuntan a una fuerte cobertura tanto en la prensa como en la televisión, con una cantidad importante de noticias, cuya producción implicó corresponsales especiales enviados a Brasil, comentaristas de televisión y columnistas de la prensa, bien como testimonios tanto de personalidades como de ciudadanos comunes portugueses y brasileños. El clima de estupefacción y de incredulidad frente al candidato vencedor prevalece no sólo en las materias periodísticas, como en los comentarios y artículos de opinión, hasta el final del análisis realizado, que tuvo lugar entre el 1 de septiembre e el 1 de diciembre de 2018.


1987 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 1-2
Author(s):  
Norman J. Ornstein

When the House of Representatives began to allow television cameras in to cover its floor proceedings in early 1979, it was not widely noticed in the country or the academic community. As C-SPAN's Susan Swain notes, the initial cable coverage was from 10 a.m. to 6 p.m. weekdays, with only three-and-one- half million homes wired to receive the service. It was rare in the first year or two of television coverage for other television outlets, especially the commercial networks, to use any of the floor footage extensively either.But within a couple of years, the television coverage of the House began to penetrate the media and the country more widely. C-SPAN, under Brian Lamb's astute tutelage expanded dramatically; network evening and weekend news shows, growing comfortable at monitoring the floor debate, began to use both ten-second “sound bites” and more extended excerpts on their shows; public television, through the Mac-Neil/Lehrer NewsHour and The Lawmakers, made the televised floor proceedings staples of their news coverage.


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