scholarly journals No Safe Space: Zombie Film Tropes during the COVID-19 Pandemic

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-258
Author(s):  
Lúcio Reis Filho

As COVID-19 spreads across the globe, reports on the crisis evoke many tropes of horror cinema, reinforcing the role of pandemics in apocalyptic imagination. More tied to the zombie film subgenre, horror tropes re-emerge daily in the news and mainstream culture: the unexplainable disease, the silence or denial of the authorities, the political disarticulation, the buzz of the media, the government conspiracy, the collapse of the social order, and the big cities as vast, ruined spaces. Considering the profound changes in urban landscapes, the analogy I intend to establish with a specific horror subgenre highlights the stigma of the infected, the quarantine as a social and cultural experience, and the segregation inherent in it.

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (12) ◽  
pp. 69-90
Author(s):  
Mercè Oliva

In this interview, Theo van Leeuwen reflects on the role of social semiotics and iconography as research methods for identifying the ideology conveyed by multimodal texts and signifying practices. Van Leeuwen defends the relevance of analyzing and understanding what seems trivial and apolitical, such as images, toys, PowerPoint presentations and spaces, all of which shape our worldview and establish the possibilities and limits of social practices and relationships, as well as their role in legitimating (or challenging) the social order. The last section of the interview is devoted to an analysis of overtly political images: van Leeuwen talks about how politicians present themselves to the media in the current era of politainment; reflects on how social movements use the visual to stir up debate and challenge dominant discourses and, finally, he discusses memes as examples of popular humor and participatory culture and their potential and limitations in terms of challenging and fostering social change.


Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095950
Author(s):  
Jefferson Lyndon D Ragragio

Editorials are a political force used by news media to fulfil its watchdog function in fragile democracies like the Philippines. However, they also serve as a platform to invite a more positive reading of strongman administration. Against the backdrop of media populism, the article will problematize how the Fourth Estate articulates its political stance by examining the tensions and complexities in editorials. It will highlight the ways the media deals with subjects and stories surrounding Rodrigo Duterte. Through an analysis of editorials of four leading dominant news outlets (Bulletin, Inquirer, Rappler, and Star), three meta-thematic categories of media frames are uncovered. First, character degradation frames delineate how the media denounces the ties of Duterte with other political actors, particularly the Marcoses and China’s Xi. Second, pro-establishment frames echo the optimistic mantra of the government amid crisis. And third, non-editorial frames exhibit the failure of media to publish watchdog-inspired editorials. Each of these categories has underlying frames that are indicative of the democratic potential, or lack thereof, of news media.


Author(s):  
Martin H. Geyer

The years after the signing of the Versailles Peace Treaty on 28 June and the adoption of the Weimar Constitution on 11 August 1919 were dominated by inflation, which culminated in hyperinflation in 1923 and resulted in a currency reform. The republic mastered severe political crises such as the Kapp putsch in 1920, upheavals, and hyperinflation. At the same time, political life remained almost permanently in post-revolutionary crisis mode, suffering from both internal and external uncertainties, including reparations, which played a major role. Between 1919 and 1923, the government changed eight times. In particular, the year 1923 was marked by economic, political, and social states of emergency. After the political revolution in November 1918, inflation proved to be a revolution of a different kind, which contemporaries saw as crisis of the social order, but also as the expression of destructive modernity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 65-83
Author(s):  
LOUISA KHACHATRYAN

Abstract: This study analyzes the role of the media during the 45-day war in Artsakh in 2020. It aims to understand how the local media responded and reacted to official propaganda, particularly to the statements of the Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. The research question of the capstone project is “What was the media framing of the official statements of the Armenian Prime Minister throughout the war?” To answer this question, the study first provides a short timeline of the war and the PM’s statements. Secondly, it conducts a descriptive content analysis of the three local media outlets, which are selected through purposive sampling. The analysis shows that the government-imposed censorship as well as the political economy of the media significantly affected the way the PM’s statements were being framed. The study tries to understand to what extent there was a “rally round the flag” effect and what caused certain behavior from different media outlets. Keywords: Artsakh war, media framing, propaganda, Nikol Pashinyan, rally round the flag


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yahya Fatah

This study deals with the relationship between the political field and the media field especially the role of the social media platforms on the political transformation recently in Kurdistan region of Iraq. This is done through a scientific and theoretical study about the controversial relationship between both politic and media and by directing a group of questions concerning this subject to the media experts and socialists in both of Sulaymaniyah and Polytechnic University of Sulaymaniyah. Finally the researcher reaches a group of results, of which: most of the sample members see that the social media platforms is a suitable environment to express and oppose the authority in the Kurdistan region but it is also see that the social media platforms causes stirring up strife and chaos in the region and they also see that it encourages violence which leads to burning party headquarters and governmental institutes in the Kurdistan region of Iraq. On the other hand, most of the sample people see that the role of the religious leaders is stronger than the role of the social media on the community in the Kurdistan region of Iraq.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Fibiger

This article discusses the role of a politically mobilized diaspora in the media and politics of Bahrain. The political turmoil of several decades has resulted in the exile of a sizeable community of Bahrainis, and many key activists have settled in London. From here they continue to work with a variety of political activities and a variety of media to put pressure on both Gulf and European regimes. The article traces the development of media forms, from a print newspaper formed out of the diasporic experience, via a particular community-driven homepage opened in Bahrain in 1998, whose creator fled to London after the 2011 ‘Arab Spring’ uprising, to the diversity of the social media that now dominates. In this regard, the role of digital surveillance, and subsequent demobilization and increasing silence, are key to the discussion.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (6) ◽  
pp. 121-130
Author(s):  
Roman V. Zholud ◽  
Viktoria V. Fursova

The article discusses the features of media construction of a social problem by the Russian media on the example of the case of “death groups” (2015–2017) in the context of the influence of post-truth society on mass communication. The analysis reveals factors that form the misstatement in vision of a social problem; an analogy is drawn with the spread of fake news in the media. Special attention is paid to the role of the government in the media construction of the social problem of “death groups” and its ideological content. Based on the study, it is concluded that in post-truth society, media construction of a social problem proceeds with an emotional, uncritical perception of false, ideologically sharpened information. The gathered facts show a dismatch between the media representation of “death groups” and their real social sense.


SURG Journal ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-17
Author(s):  
Michael Bates

This paper assesses the “moral panic” framework of Stanley Cohen with reference to panhandling and squeegeeing in Ontario. There are four general tenets of the moral panic model, three of which can be said to have been documented in the case of panhandling in Ontario: a recognized threat (panhandling), a rise in public concern, and punitive control mechanisms established to eliminate the threat. This paper argues that the fourth tenet, a stereotypical presentation of the moral threat to the social order, has not been systematically analyzed, and therefore that is the task of this paper. Specifically, this paper examines the framing used by the mainstream print media in Ontario to construct the panhandling/squeegeeing problem. Articles and letters­ to the­ editor were sampled from two mainstream Ontario newspapers, the Toronto Star and the Ottawa Citizen, to examine the mainstream media’s framing of panhandling and squeegee cleaning. This sample was taken between 1995 and 2005, a timeframe which revolves around the implementation of the Ontario Safe Streets Act 2000, which is recognized as the punitive control mechanism designed to eliminate the threat of panhandling. The findings of this paper lead to the conclusion that panhandling in Ontario during the implementation of the Ontario Safe Streets Act does not constitute a classic moral panic by virtue of the role the media played. However, the evidence that punitive control mechanisms were established absent the support of the mainstream media suggests that a deeper understanding of the role of mainstream media as well as political interests is required with respect to framing moral panics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Akshaya Kumar

This chapter prepares the comparative media crucible – an intensive synthesis of approaches to understand the media, in relation to capital, infrastructure, film form, narration, sovereign voice and geography. The book takes shape inside this analytical dwelling at the intersection of various grids – the recruitment of the province, capital and narrative voice, and the ideological containment of the masses – preparing the grounds for reading the coalitional tendencies before reassembling the role of media within the social order. It also assesses the provincial imperative acting upon ‘Bollywood’, and the attendant translations and purifications of the processes investigated in the book. The book thus grapples with a constellation which, this chapter argues, addresses an overflow of tendencies tethered to an unknowable ‘mass audience’. This search for an abstract mass, which breaches the embankments of region, class, language and culture, forces us to prepare the crucible with robust comparative analytics.


2014 ◽  
pp. 92-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Moroz

The theme of the Church's influence on the political life of the state is one that is constantly focused on the attention of the scientific community, the media and its own politics. The current legislation in Ukraine clearly separates the church from the state. However, both the church and the state are important social institutions that can not but influence one another. The official position of the state in the relevant relations is outlined again by the law. Each of the confessions of the country, through democratic freedoms and within them, is able to implement its own concept of relations with the state. Moreover, the positions of even the largest churches in Ukraine here are significantly different and significantly affect the social realities, which determines the relevance of the topic.


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