Political parties in Canada: What determines entry, exit and the duration of their lives?

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 543-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
J Stephen Ferris ◽  
Marcel-Cristian Voia
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Public Funding ◽  
Hazard Model ◽  
Parametric Models ◽  
Extensive Margin ◽  
Finite Mixtures ◽  
Entry And Exit ◽  
Intensive Margin ◽  
Economic Circumstance

Two margins of political party life in Canada since Confederation (1867) are analyzed—the extensive margin involving entry and exit (together with party turnover or churning) and the intensive margin determining survival length. The results confirm many hypotheses advanced to explain entry and exit—the importance of social and religious cleavage, election institutions, and economic circumstance. More novel are the findings that public election funding and periods with larger immigration flows have reinforced established parties at the expense of entrants and smaller sized parties. The intensive margin uses a discrete hazard model with discrete finite mixtures to confirm the Duverger-type presence of two distinct long-lived political parties surrounded by a fringe of smaller parties. Both parametric and semi-parametric models concur in finding that public funding and higher immigration flows are as successful in extending the life of established parties as in discouraging entry and exit.

scholarly journals Consequences of (un)regulated party funding in South Africa between 1994 and 2017

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kealeboga J. Maphunye ◽  
Kgobalale N. Motubatse
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
Public Funding ◽  
Annual Reports ◽  
Audit Firms ◽  
Media Reports ◽  
Auditor General ◽  
Party Funding

Globally, the topic of political party funding evokes strongly defended positions, partly because of the nasty dynamics that usually arise whenever money and politics cross paths. The primary issue in contention is whether to institute mandatory disclosure legislation, legally compelling parties to reveal their sources of funding, and the likely consequences of such disclosure. Alternatively, a laissez-faire approach may be adopted to party funding, and to determine which parties to exclude from state or public funding. In South Africa, these issues routinely raise public outcry and result in emotive debates pertaining to the expenditure of public finance and accountability. Thus, this article explores contemporary issues on political party funding in South Africa, focusing on recognised parties and examining their sources of funding. This article examines recent media reports on allegations of a lack of accountability on the part of political parties, particularly their apparent reluctance to disclose their sources of funding. It seeks to contribute to the debate on party funding in South Africa, through the use of a qualitative research method using content analysis. The authors contend that officially recognised parties should be audited by a Supreme Audit Institution (the Auditor General South Africa, locally) prior to tabling their annual reports in Parliament. The article concludes that such audit responsibility should not be given to private audit firms in order to avoid possible conflicts of interest, as some audit firms and individual employees may also be funders of some of the political parties.

scholarly journals Concepts and types of funding of political parties

2021 ◽  
pp. 56-60
Author(s):  
V.V. Dzhugan
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Public Funding ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Private Donations ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Party Funding

The article analyzes the doctrinal approaches to the definition of "financing of political parties", its relationship with such related concepts as "financial activities of the party", "financial support of political parties", "financing of political activities". While in the legislation of Ukraine there is no definition of the concept of "financing of political parties", in the scientific literature various interpretations of this concept are offered. Some approaches do not take into account the fact that the provision of funds to parties must take place in accordance with the requirements of current legislation, which establishes the procedure, limits and amounts of funding for political parties. Another disadvantage of these definitions is that they do not reflect the role of public authorities in relation to both the financing itself and in relation to the implementation of state control over the financing of political parties. Other definitions do not reflect the role of political parties themselves in their funding. The synthesis of the obtained results allowed to offer an improved concept of "financing of political parties" as carried out in the manner and within the statutory activities of political parties, public authorities, individuals and legal entities, aimed at providing political parties with financial and other resources subject to financial evaluation. and what political parties need to achieve their goals and objectives. It is necessary to distinguish between the financing of the current (statutory) activities of political parties and the financing of their participation in elections. At the same time, the study and comparison of political party funding through the prism of analysis of sources of such funding is more productive and allows a broader and more comprehensive consideration of the peculiarities of political party funding in individual countries through analysis of their legislation. Therefore, it is necessary to support the validity of the position on the division of funding of political parties into types depending on the source of funds (property): self-financing (entrance and membership fees, income from party property, income from illicit economic activities), private (private donations) and public funding of political parties

Election Poster Persuasion

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malte Schott ◽  
Jule Wolf
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Policy Evaluation ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Need For Cognition ◽  
Evaluation Study ◽  
Additional Measure ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Policy Statements ◽  
Voting Intentions

Abstract. We examined the effect of presenting unknown policy statements on German parties’ election posters. Study 1 showed that participants inferred the quality of a presented policy from knowledge about the respective political party. Study 2 showed that participants’ own political preferences influenced valence estimates: policy statements presented on campaign posters of liked political parties were rated significantly more positive than those presented on posters of disliked political parties. Study 3 replicated the findings of Study 2 with an additional measure of participants’ need for cognition. Need for cognition scores were unrelated to the valence transfer from political parties to policy evaluation. Study 4 replicated the findings of Studies 2 and 3 with an additional measure of participants’ voting intentions. Voting intentions were a significant predictor for valence transfer. Participants credited both their individually liked and disliked political parties for supporting the two unknown policies. However, the credit attributed to the liked party was significantly higher than to the disliked one. Study 5 replicated the findings of Studies 2, 3, and 4. Additionally, participants evaluated political clubs that were associated with the same policies previously presented on election posters. Here, a second-degree transfer emerged: from party valence to policy evaluation and from policy evaluation to club evaluation. Implications of the presented studies for policy communications and election campaigning are discussed.

Towards the Final Legitimation of the Party

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Sole Source ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Formation ◽  
Post War ◽  
Dominant Influence

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.

Searching for Political Parties in the Past

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Ancient Greece ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Common

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.

Varieties of Intra-Party Democracy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Two Dimensional ◽  
Rare Exception ◽  
Empirical Analyses

This chapter introduces a new, two-dimensional way of measuring intra-party democracy (IPD). It is argued that assembly-based IPD and plebiscitary IPD are two theoretically different modes of intra-party decision-making. Assembly-based IPD means that discussion and decision over a certain topic takes place at the same time. Plebiscitary IPD disconnects the act of voting from the discussion over the alternatives that are put to a vote. In addition, some parties have opened up plebiscitary decision-making to non-members which is captured by the concept of open plebiscitary IPD. Based on the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) dataset, indices are developed for the three variants of IPD. The empirical analyses here show that assembly-based and plebiscitary IPD are combined by political parties in different ways while open party plebiscites are currently a rare exception.

The Effects of Manifesto Politics on Programmatic Change

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annika Hennl ◽  
Simon Tobias Franzmann
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Policy Change ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Causal Link ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Core Business ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Decision Mode ◽  
Programmatic Change

The formulation of policies constitutes a core business of political parties in modern democracies. Using the novel data of the Political Party Database (PPDB) Project and the data of the Manifesto Project (MARPOR), the authors of this chapter aim at a systematic test of the causal link between the intra-party decision mode on the electoral manifestos and the extent of programmatic change. What are the effects of the politics of manifesto formulation on the degree of policy change? Theoretically, the authors distinguish the drafting process from the final enactment of the manifesto. Empirically, they show that a higher autonomy of the party elite in formulating the manifesto leads to a higher degree of programmatic change. If party members constrain party elite’s autonomy, they tend to veto major changes.

The Diffusion of Product Innovations

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Stoneman ◽  
Eleonora Bartoloni ◽  
Maurizio Baussola
Keyword(s):  
Extensive Margin ◽  
Intensive Margin ◽  
Industry Sector ◽  
Product Innovations ◽  
Market Product ◽  
Principal Finding ◽  
Considerable Period

This chapter explores the patterns of adoption and use of original and new-to-market product innovations. Three levels of diffusion are identified: (i) the spreading of first use across countries (the extensive margin); (ii) the spreading of first use across users within countries (the intensive margin); and (iii) increasing intensity of use by adopters (firms or households). The principal finding is that diffusion often takes a considerable period of time, both across and within countries. Movement on the intensive margin continues for many years after diffusion on the extensive margin is completed. Intra-firm or household diffusion is also time-intensive, differs by industry sector, country, and technology, and continues even after inter-firm or household diffusion is complete. In addition, the diffusion of the production of product innovations may eventually mean that countries that were early producers are eventually replaced by countries that were late producers.

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