The good ol’ days: White identity, racial nostalgia, and the perpetuation of racial extremism

2022 ◽  
pp. 136843022110574
Author(s):  
Christine Reyna ◽  
Kara Harris ◽  
Andrea Bellovary ◽  
Angel Armenta ◽  
Michael Zarate

A prevailing theme in White nationalist rhetoric is nostalgia for a time when Whites dominated American culture and had unchallenged status. The present research examines a form of collective nostalgia called racial nostalgia and its association with negative intergroup attitudes and extreme ideologies (White nationalism). In Studies 1 and 2, racial nostalgia was associated with higher racial identity, anti-immigrant attitudes, and White nationalism. Study 2 revealed that racial nostalgia was related to extreme ideologies, in part, through perceptions that immigrants and racial minorities posed realistic/symbolic threats. Study 3 manipulated nostalgia using a writing prompt (“America’s racial past” vs. “games of America’s past”) and an identity prime (prime vs. no prime). Racial nostalgia was higher in the racial prompt versus the games prompt condition, regardless of identity prime. Furthermore, there were significant indirect effects of the nostalgia manipulation on support for anti-immigrant policies and endorsement of White nationalism through increased racial nostalgia and its association with perceived threats. These findings show that racial nostalgia can be a maladaptive form of collective nostalgia linked to a sense of loss and threat, and can make people sympathetic to extreme racial ideologies.

Author(s):  
Jason D. Hill

Holding a racial identity is problematic because it turns one into a practicing racist. On the surface this should not be controversial. White supremacists of all stripes, either of the North American variety or the Nazi counterpart, have given us ample evidence of the nefarious nature of strong racial identities, especially when they are wedded to a political ideology that demonizes racial minorities such as blacks or Jews. But we can and should go much further and suggest that the concept of race, simpliciter, is bad. The concomitant practice of holding a racial identity voluntarily and living one’s life as a raciated creature is a form of biological collectivism and racial subjectivism. It matters not whether one is black, white, Indian, or a member of any other designated group; the principle that binds all racial identities together—polylogism—is identical. To self-referentially hold a racial identity is to collude with a great social evil.


2014 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 261-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jas M. Sullivan ◽  
Alexandra Ghara

2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Casey Stockstill

How do white observers react when people with black heritage assert a biracial, multiracial, or white identity rather than a black identity? To address this question, I conducted two experiments in which participants evaluated a darker-skinned or a lighter-skinned job applicant who presented his identity as either black, biracial, multiracial, or white. The results show that identity assertions influenced how white observers categorized applicants but not how they evaluated applicants. Most white observers accepted the identity of both the lighter-skinned and darker-skinned applicant when they asserted that they were black, biracial, or multiracial, but observers did not accept the identity of the darker-skinned applicant who asserted a white identity. However, white observers did not perceive applicants who asserted that they were multiracial, biracial, or white as more hirable than applicants who asserted that they were black. Based on these results, I argue that racial identity assertions do not independently provide a pathway to racialized advantages.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alicja Rieger

AbstractThis article discusses an individualized narrative on a contribution that a White educator can add to the field of teacher education, in particular multicultural teacher education. Through sharing my individual life experiences with a process of moving from an invisible Whiteness (Clark & O’Donnell, 1999; Giroux, 1997; Helms, 1992) toward more advanced levels of multiracial and multicultural awareness, followed by a review of a theoretical model of Helms’ (1992) White Racial Identity Theory, I provide a space and a structured forum for engaging in a dialogue on the complex issues of race and Whiteness among teacher candidates.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194855062110393
Author(s):  
Hui Bai

White Americans’ racial identity can predict their sociopolitical attitudes and behaviors, demonstrating an emergent trend of White identity politics. However, when it comes to predicting support for political candidates, it remains an unclarified question whether the effects of White identity politics are determined more by candidates’ ideology or race. This article disentangles and compares the role of candidates’ ideology and race. Four studies using White American samples consistently support the ideology hypothesis, which suggests that White identity predicts support for conservative politicians and opposition to liberal politicians because of their ideology. The evidence is limited for the racial hypothesis, which suggests that White identity predicts support for White politicians but opposition to Black politicians because of their race. Thus, this article complements theories of White identity politics and clarifies implications for who might benefit from its growing influence.


Author(s):  
Russell Nieli

This chapter discusses the life and work of Jared Taylor, the leading American advocate of “race realism” and the claim that white people have legitimate and important racial interests that need to be both better articulated and publicly affirmed. Through his American Renaissance magazine, annual conferences, and videos, Taylor has set the intellectual standard for highbrow white racial advocacy and what is variously called “White nationalism,” “White identitarianism,” or simply the perspective of the “alternative” or “dissident” Right. Taylor’s thinking combines conventional conservative ideas regarding family and community, classical liberal and libertarian ideas regarding freedom of association and basic property and economic rights, and ideas championing ethnoracial homogeneity within nations and disdain for multiculturalism. His arguments are drawn from both historical experience and contemporary sociobiology.


The Forum ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-402
Author(s):  
Eric Kaufmann

Abstract As the white share of America continues to decline, white identity is becoming more important for politics. I show that white identity is considerably stronger among whites who are attached to their ancestry, i.e. Irish, ‘American’ or Italian. Accordingly, we should see it as more reflective of cultural attachment than a desire for politico-economic advantage. In addition, a separate dynamic I term ethno-traditional American nationalism, is important. This is not white nationalism, but a form of American national identity in which ethnocultural elements form an important part but do not, like the American accent, form a condition of equal national membership. Ethno-traditional nationalism is about the ‘what is American’ question of symbolic attachment, rather than the ‘who is American’ question of which groups belong and are excluded, that has received the lion’s share of academic attention.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (8) ◽  
pp. 1181-1195
Author(s):  
Marisa Franco ◽  
Olivia L. Holmes ◽  
Felicia Swafford ◽  
Nolan Krueger ◽  
Kenneth Rice

The current study examined whether Black people’s racial ideology, experiences of racism, and their interaction predict their acceptance of Black-White Multiracial people. Black racial ideologies represent an aspect of Black people’s racial identity that addresses their perspectives on how people within the Black community should behave. Participants ( N = 325) were administered a series of measures. Latent class analysis revealed three classes of Black racial identity: undifferentiated (average ideologies), integrationist (high assimilationist, humanist, and oppressed minority), and nationalist (high nationalist). The nationalist group was most likely to endorse rejecting Multiracial people as members of the Black community and also to endorse forcing a Black identity onto Multiracial people, whereas the integrationist group was least likely to make such endorsements. For participants in the nationalist (but not integrationist or undifferentiated) cluster, personal experiences of racism were related to endorsement of forcing a Black identity onto a Multiracial person. Findings suggest that Multiracial people might achieve the most identity affirmation and sense of community among Black people holding integrationist views.


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