scholarly journals Evaluating British prime ministerial performance: David Cameron’s premiership in political time

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 202-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Byrne ◽  
Nick Randall ◽  
Kevin Theakston

This article contributes to the developing literature on prime ministerial performance in the United Kingdom by applying a critical reading of Stephen Skowronek’s account of leadership in ‘political time’ to evaluate David Cameron’s premiership. This, we propose, better understands the inter-relationship of structure and agency in prime ministerial performance than existing frameworks, particularly those based on Greenstein’s and Bulpitt’s approaches. We identify Cameron as a disjunctive prime minister, but find it necessary significantly to develop the model of disjunctive leadership beyond that offered by Skowronek. We identify the warrants to authority, strategies and dilemmas associated with disjunctive leadership in the United Kingdom. We argue that Cameron was relatively skilful in meeting many of the challenges confronting an affiliated leader of a vulnerable regime. However, his second term exposed deep fractures in the regime, which proved beyond Cameron’s skills as a disjunctive leader.

1962 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 257-258

The Assembly of Western European Union (WEU) held the first part of its seventh ordinary session in London from May 29 to June 1, 1961. Mr. Arthur Conte (France) was President of the session. The Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Mr. Harold Macmillan, welcomed the delegates and broached the question of his country's relations with Europe in the following terms: 1) the movement toward European unity should be allowed to grow naturally—it could not be imposed; 2) the United Kingdom was determined to press forward with the consolidation of western Europe; and 3) three problems confronting his country vis-à-vis European unity were (a) British agricultural difficulties, (b) the special relationship of the Commonwealth countries with Great Britain, and (c) British association with the European Free Trade Association (EFTA).


1957 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 546-547 ◽  

The Council of the Baghdad Pact held its annual meeting in Karachi from June 3 through 6, 1957. Representatives were present from the five member countries—Turkey, Iraq, Iran, Pakistan and the United Kingdom—and the United States was represented by an observer delegation. The Council had been scheduled to meet months earlier, but Iraq originally refused to meet with the United Kingdom. At the opening session, presided over by Mr. Suhrawardy, Prime Minister of Pakistan, the Prime Minister of Iraq, Nuri es Said, was reported to have spoken forcefully about the dangers implicit in the problems of Israel, Algeria, Kashmir and Cyprus. Mr. Lloyd, Foreign Minister of the United Kingdom, was reported to have followed Mr. Nuri es Said's remarks with a speech in which he announced his government's offer of a contribution of £500,000 a year in cash and in kind for building up the minimum military infra-structure in member countries. The speeches of other delegates were reported to be noteworthy for their frank recognition of past weaknesses in the Baghdad Pact organization and the need to give it new effectiveness. In the course of the first session the United States formally accepted an invitation to join the Pact's Military Committee; and a United States military delegation headed by General Nathan F. Twining started participating in a separate concurrent meeting of the Military Committee. The United States thus became a member of the Pact's three main committees, but had still not become a formal member of the Pact.


1980 ◽  
Vol 58 (6) ◽  
pp. 658-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shozo Takai

Forty-seven isolates of Ceratocystis ulmi collected from Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, France, the Netherlands, and Iran were classified with respect to their ability to produce cerato-ulmin (CU) and synnemata, their radial growth, mycelial habit, and pathogenicity.Twenty-nine isolates clearly produced CU in a measurable quantity while 18 isolates produced it only in trace quantities. In general, the former produced fluffy mycelium and were active in synnemata formation. They were aggressive in pathogenicity with one exception. The latter group of isolates generally produced waxy, yeastlike mycelium and formed very few synnemata. They were all nonaggressive in pathogenicity. Radial growth was generally higher among the isolates that produced CU in larger quantities than among those producing CU in trace quantities. The relationship between CU production and pathogenicity affords a method for estimating isolate pathogenicity without the need for host inoculation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 135-156
Author(s):  
Jonathan Montgomery

This article considers the shape of bioethics governance in Europe, noting the interplay between the institutions and laws of the Union and those of the Council of Europe. It reviews the structures of UK bioethics governance and identifies weaknesses that Brexit provides an opportunity to address. It notes the ambiguous relationship of UK bioethicists with European institutions and discusses the importance of soft power. It explores what the United Kingdom should do to maintain its influence. It advocates, first, improved coordination of governance organizations within the United Kingdom. Second, a more strategic approach to ‘soft power’ and UK involvement with international organizations, both within the European region and more widely. Finally, it proposes that the United Kingdom become a signatory to the Oviedo Convention in order to consolidate its connections with European values. These steps are suggested as mitigation for the loss of influence that Brexit might otherwise bring.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Nazri Muslim ◽  
Osman Md Rasip ◽  
Khairul Hamimah Mohammad Jodi ◽  
Abdullah Ibrahim ◽  
Otong Rosadi

In Malaysia, there is no one institution that can outdo the supremacy of the Federal Constitution. Even the three government bodies that refer to the power separation doctrine which is the legislative, judiciary and executive bodies even the Yang di-Pertuan Agong are under this Federal Constitution. The constitution can be divided into two, written and non-written constitution. The written constitution is the form of constitution that is gathered and arranged in one document. The non-written counterpart encompasses all of the constitutional principles not compiled in one document such as the law endorsed by the Parliament and the verdicts of the court such as in the United Kingdom. Other than the constitution, there are certain practices that are thought to be part of the principles of the constitution. This is known as the Constitutional Convention or the customary practice of the Constitution. Constitutional convention is a non-legislative practice and it is similar to the political ethics and not enforced in court. Although it seems trivial, it is important for this practice to be complied with, otherwise it is difficult for the constitution to work successfully as the constitutional convention cannot be brought to court and forced to be obeyed. Thus, the discussion of this article rests on the constitutional convention in terms of the social contract, the appointment of the Prime Minister, the appointment of the country’s main positions and collective responsibility.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-346
Author(s):  
David Mangan*

2020 had been marked as a significant year for the UK with its departure from the European Union. The coronavirus pandemic quickly became the most important issue facing the Government under a third Prime Minister since the 2016 referendum. From the start, problems have dogged this Government in meeting the monumental challenges posed by Covid-19. The UK approached the work implications of this pandemic in some distinct ways, as compared to European Union Member States. This piece is longer than other country reports in this volume as a result of critically engaging with these differences.


1976 ◽  
Vol 16 (189) ◽  
pp. 617-622

When the Rhodesia Conference opened in Geneva on 28 October, the ICRC took the opportunity to contact all the parties represented. It had talks with the nationalist leaders—Mr. R. Mugabe, Mgr. Muzorewa, Mr. J. Nkomo and the Rev. Sithole—and with the Prime Minister of Rhodesia, Mr. I. Smith, his Minister of Justice, Mr. H. Squires, and with the chairman of the Conference, Mr. I. Richard, ambassador and permanent representative of the United Kingdom to the UN.


1971 ◽  
Vol 11 (127) ◽  
pp. 561-561

In its issue of October 1970, the International Review stated that 128 States were parties to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949. This number has now risen to 129. The ICRC has recently been informed by the Federal Political Department in Berne that the Swiss authorities received, on 9 August 1971, a letter from the Fijian Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs stating that Fiji considered itself bound to the Geneva Conventions of 1949, under the earlier ratification by the United Kingdom.


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