Environmentalism in Australia: elites and the public

1999 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Tranter
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Environmental Issues ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Environmental Groups ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
The Public ◽  
Environmental Group ◽  
Tentative Evidence

Political elites (federal candidates) from all parties in Australia exhibit more favourable attitudes toward the environment than voters. Nevertheless, the magnitude of these elite-public differences are declining over time as 'the environment' has become a mainstream political issue. The level of environmental activism among the political elite is on the rise, both within and across party boundaries, indicating an increasing acceptability of 'the environment' among politicians. On the other hand, there is some evidence of a decline in environmental group membership and a shift in the issue priorities of environmental groups, with members now increasingly supportive of 'green green' environmental issues. There is also tentative evidence to suggest that as a mobilising agent for activism 'the environment' is in decline, as environmental issues become 'routinised' and ensconced in mainstream political culture.1

scholarly journals KARAKTERISTIK BUDAYA KOMUNIKASI POLITIK ELITE MUHAMMADIYAH

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-122
Author(s):  
Pia Khoirotun Nisa
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Socialization ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Recruitment

Muhammadiyah is one of the elements from the public room of Indonesia, it accepts amount of political policies from the power of nation and responses them as the tradition of its organization. The special characteristic of organization determines political communication that is used. In doing political communication, the political elite of Muhammadiyah has to be able to play very important role in a political system because it becomes determined part from the process of political socialization, political culture, political participation and political recruitment.

scholarly journals The Functioning of Political Parties as Co-Founders of the Formation of the Political Elite and the Democratic State

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-179
Author(s):  
Luljeta Hasani
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Positive Element ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Public Image ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
New Parties ◽  
The Public ◽  
Democratic State

Abstract During the years 1991-1992, according to the authors Albanian political parties coexist modern concepts of party politics and organization with the concepts of local tradition imposed by mentality, inheritance and local circumstances. Throughout 1992- 1998 we have an increase in the number of political parties, of which two were major in 1990 in 1996, we have 65 political parties, of which 12 had representation in the parliament of the time. This increase in the number of parties by authors has come as a result of problems and internal conflicts in political parties, leading to factions and the creation of new parties in both sides of the policy. At the end of the first decade of transition, the political parties SP and PD as the two most influential parties in Albanian political life, after holding their National Assemblies, and other parties began to look to improve the public image by reforming statutes and programs leaving room for greater transparency and greater critical space for the public during the second decade of transition, in addition to the "multi-value" developments "in the political behavior of party leadership, there is a positive element of how political parties abandoned extreme ideological programs and reached compromise Important political issue. A very important feature that political parties pose is that they feature the features of having a "strong" leader.

scholarly journals Returning urban political elites to the research agenda: the case of the Southern Low Countries (c. 1350 – c. 1550)

Urban History ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 568-588
Author(s):  
Frederik Buylaert ◽  
Jelten Baguet ◽  
Janna Everaert
Keyword(s):  
Special Section ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
High Turnover ◽  
Low Countries ◽  
Late Medieval ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of

AbstractThis article provides a comparative analysis of four large towns in the Southern Low Countries between c. 1350 and c. 1550. Combining the data on Ghent, Bruges and Antwerp – each of which is discussed in greater detail in the articles in this special section – with recent research on Bruges, the authors argue against the historiographical trend in which the political history of late medieval towns is supposedly dominated by a trend towards oligarchy. Rather than a closure of the ruling class, the four towns show a high turnover in the social composition of the political elite, and a consistent trend towards aristocracy, in which an increasingly large number of aldermen enjoyed noble status. The intensity of these trends differed from town to town, and was tied to different institutional configurations as well as different economic and political developments in each of the four towns.

‘ARE YOU PLANTING TREES OR ARE YOU PLANTING PEOPLE?’ SQUATTER RESISTANCE AND INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE MAKING OF A KENYAN POSTCOLONIAL POLITICAL ORDER (c. 1963–78)

2015 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
KARA MOSKOWITZ
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
International Development ◽  
World Bank ◽  
Development Program ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Development Projects ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThis article examines squatter resistance to a World Bank-funded forest and paper factory project. The article illustrates how diverse actors came together at the sites of rural development projects in early postcolonial Kenya. It focuses on the relationship between the rural squatters who resisted the project and the political elites who intervened, particularly President Kenyatta. Together, these two groups not only negotiated the reformulation of a major international development program, but they also worked out broader questions about political authority and political culture. In negotiating development, rural actors and political elites decided how resources would be distributed and they entered into new patronage-based relationships, processes integral to the making of the postcolonial political order.

scholarly journals Politics and everyday life in Serbia in 2005: Views of politics, change of social system, the public sphere

2005 ◽  
pp. 45-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivana Spasic
Keyword(s):  
Social Learning ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Everyday Life ◽  
Social System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Political Scene

The paper offers an analysis of the interview data collected in the project "Politics and everyday life: Three years later" in terms of three main topics: attitudes to the political sphere, change of social system, and the democratic public sphere. The analysis focuses on ambivalences expressed in the responses which, under the surface of overall disappointment and discontent, may contain preserved results of the previously achieved "social learning" and their positive potentials. The main objective was to examine to what extent the processes of political maturation of citizens, identified in the 2002 study, have continued. After pointing to a number of shifts in people?s views of politics which generally do not contradict the tendencies outlined in 2002 (such as deemotionalization and depersonalization of politics, insistence on efficiency of public officials and on a clearer articulation of positions on the political scene), it is argued that the process of rationalization of political culture has not stopped, but it manifests itself differently in changed circumstances. The republican euphoria of 2002 has been replaced by resignation, with a stronger individualist orientation and a commitment to professional achievement.

scholarly journals Information Support of Youth Policy as a Factor of Formation of the Social Capital and Political Attitudes of the Young Generation

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 88
Author(s):  
Galina Viktorovna Morozova ◽  
Artur Romanovich Gavrilov ◽  
Bulat Ildarovich Yakupov
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Young People ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Information ◽  
Information Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Young Generation ◽  
Youth Policy ◽  
The Social

If we sum up the tasks facing the Russian state in relation to the young generation, then all of them are associated with its harmonious inclusion in the social and political development of the country. At the normative level, the current need is declared for young people to form active citizenship and democratic political culture, which is possible only in a constant and equal dialogue between the authorities and young people. Ensuring the interaction of the younger generation with the political elite presupposes the existence of certain conditions - the creation and effective functioning of the information infrastructure of youth policy, as well as the conduct of an open active information policy. The article describes the results of a study of the political status of students of the capital of Tatarstan - Kazan, in particular, such parameters as youth interest in political information, trust in the sources of this information, and political participation. Together with the data of secondary studies, this made it possible to characterize the youth sector of political communication, identify the existing difficulties in the interaction of the government and youth, in particular, identify some difficulties in receiving and disseminating political information among the youth, which impede the development of a democratic political culture and the accumulation of social capital of the young generation.

Un modelo para analizar la representación simbólica del escándalo de corrupción política desde la teoría del framing: aplicación al ‘caso Umbra’ | A model to analyze the symbolic representation of the political corruption scandal from the framing theory

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rocío Zamora ◽  
Juan Antonio Marín Albadalejo
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Political Corruption ◽  
Symbolic Representation ◽  
Public Image ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Power ◽  
Political Scandals

Resumen Lo que algunos ya llaman una cultura política del escándalo (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) ha supuesto el reconocimiento del poder de los medios en la construcción simbólica del escándalo, a partir del énfasis en ciertos marcos interpretativos con los que se narran las conductas que condicionan la percepción pública de los escándalos políticos. Este trabajo se centra en la representación simbólica de los escándalos de corrupción política. El análisis de la cobertura periodística sobre un caso de gran actualidad en Murcia, el ‘caso Umbra’, demuestra que, además de por el relato político-técnico, legal y moral, los escándalos de corrupción política pueden ser también enmarcados desde el enfoque reputacional, es decir, a partir de preocupación por el deterioro de la imagen que la proliferación de escándalos de corrupción política ofrece sobre un territorio concreto y  sus instituciones.Palabras clave Escándalo político, corrupción política, framing, cultura política, poder político.AbstractWe live in, as some scholars called, a scandal political culture (Barkin, 1999; Thompson, 2001; Castells, 2009) that has supposed the recognition of the media power in the symbolic construction of scandals, where the emphasis in certain interpretive frames with which behaviours are narrated determine public perceptions of the political scandals. This article focuses on the symbolic representation of political corruption scandals. The analysis of the media coverage on this great current importance case in Murcia, called the ‘Umbra’ case, demonstrates that, besides the political- technical, legal and moral, the political corruption, scandals can be framed also from the reputation approach, that is to say, from the worried deterioration on the public image that political corruption scandals proliferation supposes on a concrete territory and his institutions.Keywords Political scandal, political corruption, framing, political culture, political power.

Why Ukraine Is Not Russia

2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 813-833 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yitzhak M. Brudny ◽  
Evgeny Finkel
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Significant Extent ◽  
Considerable Part ◽  
The Public ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
The Impact

The article discusses the impact of national identity on democratization and market reforms in Russia and Ukraine. We develop a concept of hegemonic national identity and demonstrate its role in Russian and Ukrainian post-communist political development. The article argues that Russia’s slide toward authoritarianism was to an important degree an outcome of the notions of national identity adopted by the main political players and society at large. In Ukraine, on the other hand, a hegemonic identity failed to emerge and the public discussion of issues of national identity led to the adoption of much more liberal and democratic notions of identity by a considerable part of the political elite. Adoption of this more liberal identity, in turn, was one of the main reasons for the Orange Revolution. The main theoretical implications of this argument are as follows: (a) choices of national identity profoundly affect the prospects for democracy in the newly democratizing states; (b) institutions do shape identities; (c) elites’ preference for (or opposition to) liberal democracy is not simply a consequence of their understanding of their self-interest in gaining and preserving power but also is dependent to a significant extent on their choices of political identity.

‘This is Our Way In’: The Civil Society of Environmental NGOs in South-West China

2006 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline M. Cooper
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political System ◽  
Environmental Issues ◽  
Positive Influence ◽  
Environmental Groups ◽  
West China ◽  
The Public ◽  
Environmental Ngos ◽  
South West ◽  
Transitioning Countries

AbstractA growing number of Chinese environmental groups constitute not only an effective force in tackling environmental issues, but also a genuine civil society that is transforming state-society relations in China. This paper will consider how the environmental movement now taking shape among south-western China's environmental NGOs creates new civic freedoms and deals with existing constraints under the current Chinese political system. While this empowerment of local citizens will have a broadly positive influence on the protection of China's environment, precedent from other transitioning countries shows that environmental movements can be inextricably linked to important new freedoms for the public as well as jarring political change.

The Oxford Handbook of Political Representation in Liberal Democracies

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Interest ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
International Level ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
The Public ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Mass Publics

How can democracies effectively represent citizens? The goal of this Handbook is to evaluate comprehensively how well the interests and preferences of mass publics become represented by institutions in liberal democracies. It first explores how the idea and institutions of liberal democracies were formed over centuries and became enshrined in Western political systems. The contributors to this Handbook, made up of the world’s leading scholars on the various aspects of political representation, examine how well the political elites and parties who are charged with the representation of the public interest meet their duties. Clearly, institutions often fail to live up to their own representation goals. With this in mind, the contributors explore several challenges to the way that the system of representation is organized in modern democracies. For example, actors such as parties and established elites face rising distrust among electorates. Also, the rise of international problems such as migration and environmentalism suggests that the focus of democracies on nation states may have to shift to a more international level. All told, this Handbook illuminates the normative and functional challenges faced by representative institutions in liberal democracies.

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