Consensus and dissent after terror: Editorial policies in times of crisis

Journalism ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjersti Thorbjørnsrud ◽  
Tine Ustad Figenschou

This article analyses the role of central editors in constructing a national debate in the Norwegian media after the 2011 Oslo terror attacks. A broad literature has documented that after crisis, mainstream media move away from their everyday critical function to a ritual type of journalism that fosters adherence to shared values and support for national authorities. Based on in-depth interviews with debate editors, this article analyses how this type of national crisis discourse is substantiated and guarded through editorial decisions and policies. Second, it gives insights into how changes in the perceived climate of opinion and increasingly vocal critical voices gradually affect editorial practices and challenge consensus. Theoretically, the article combines perspectives from a critical approach (the media as channels for political authorities during crisis) and a cultural approach (the media as constitutive for resilience and recovery) to contribute to the understanding of crisis journalism in a multi-platform, multi-directional media landscape.

2020 ◽  
Vol V (IV) ◽  
pp. 27-33
Author(s):  
Irem Sultana ◽  
Malik Adnan ◽  
Muhammad Imran Mehsud

This research paper inspected the role of Pakistani media to protect indigenous languages and culture in Pakistan. The study examined the situation; if Pakistani media outpours concern with the native languages or not. The article also checked the media landscape, its language-wise segregation and scenario of literacy in different areas of the country. The outcomes of the study showed that Pakistani media is neglecting the indigenous languages. The study results exhibited clearly that media houses’ focus on protecting native languages, is not profound. The findings also showed that foreign ownership of Media houses plays a role in neglecting indigenous language promotions. The current study presented that Pakistani mainstream media is damaging the local and native languages. The study was the outcome of qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews of senior communication experts.


2019 ◽  
pp. 100-122
Author(s):  
Francis L. F. Lee

This chapter reviews the relationship between the media and the Umbrella Movement. The mainstream media, aided by digital media outlets and platforms, play the important role of the public monitor in times of major social conflicts, even though the Hong Kong media do so in an environment where partial censorship exists. The impact of digital media in largescale protest movements is similarly multifaceted and contradictory. Digital media empower social protests by promoting oppositional discourses, facilitating mobilization, and contributing to the emergence of connective action. However, they also introduce and exacerbate forces of decentralization that present challenges to movement leaders. Meanwhile, during and after the Umbrella Movement, one can also see how the state has become more proactive in online political communication, thus trying to undermine the oppositional character of the Internet in Hong Kong.


Author(s):  
Marie Hermanova

The COVID-19 pandemics highlighted the role of social media influencers as political communicators and drew attention to the question of accountability of influencers and their overall role in the media ecosystem. The aim of the paper is to analyze the role of lifestyle Instagram influencers in shaping the public narrative about COVID-19 as an orchestrated political event aimed at curbing civic freedom in the Czech Republic with focus on two key elements: 1) the politicization of the domestic (space) on Instagram and its gendered nature and 2) the framing of the role of influencers as democratic public voices offering an alternative to mainstream media, within the context of the post-socialist historical experience of totalitarian past. The presented analysis builds on digital ethnography among Czech female lifestyle influencers and content analysis of selected Czech influencers profiles.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-148
Author(s):  
Rohmanur Aziz

This study aims to reveal the role of the media in disseminating information regarding the cancellation of the departure of pilgrims from the critical discourse dimensions. Therefore, this research method uses Critical Discourse Analysis from Norman Fairclough. The results of this study indicate that the role of the media in the cancellation policy of Hajj pilgrims in 2021 consists of three essential things. First, the media sided with the news content about the cancellation of the hajj based on norms by the law and various derivative regulations. Second, the mainstream media group has its concept in understanding how to disseminate the information so that it can become a public discourse and understand the public after being back on the mainstream media stage. Third, the media behaves like a ‘pendulum’ that can go back and forth to contribute to "orchestrating" the public discourse in this context regarding the cancellation of the departure of the pilgrims.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap peranan media dalam menyebarluaskan informasi mengenai pembatalan keberangkatan jamaah haji dilihat dari dimensi-dimensi wacana kritis. Oleh karena itu metode penelitian ini menggunakan Analisis Wacana Kritis dari Norman Fairclough. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa peranan media dalam kebijakan pembatalan jemaah haji tahun 2021 terdiri dari tiga hal penting. Pertama, media berpihak pada konten pemberitaan tentang pembatalan haji berdasarkan pada norma yang sesuai dengan undang-undang dan berbagai peraturan turunannya. Kedua, kelompok media arus utama memiliki konsep tersendiri dalam memahami cara menyebarluaskan informasi sehingga dapat menjadi wacana publik, namun sekaligus dapat memahamkan publik setelah kembali dimainkan di panggung media arus utama. Ketiga, media berperilaku sebagai bandul pendulum yang dapat bolak-balik berkontribusi dalam “mengorkestrakan” wacana publik dalam konteks ini tentang pembatalan pemberangkatan jemaah haji.     


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 441-454 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Mihailidis ◽  
Samantha Viotty

This article explores the phenomenon of spectacle in the lead up and immediate aftermath of the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Through the spread of misinformation, the appropriation of cultural iconography, and the willing engagement of mainstream media to perpetuate partisan and polarizing information, the proliferation of populist rhetoric, polarizing views, and vitriolic opinions spread. Revisiting the world of critical theorist Guy Debord, this article argues that the proliferation of citizen-drive spectacle is unique in its origination and perpetuation, and a direct result of an increasingly polarized and distrustful public spending an increasing amount of time in homophilous networks where contrarian views are few and far between. We apply the frame of spreadable media to explore how citizen expression online initiated, sustained, and expanded the media spectacle that pervaded the 2016 U.S. presidential election. The conclusion of this work argues that media literacies, as a popular response mechanism to help cultivate more critical consumers of media, must be repositioned to respond to an era of partisanship and distrust. We present a set of considerations for repositioning the literacies to focus on critique and creation of media in support of a common good, and that can respond meaningfully in an era of spreadability, connectivity, and spectacle.


2020 ◽  
pp. 131-141
Author(s):  
Alicia Ferrández-Ferrer ◽  
Jessica Retis

There is a broad academic consensus on the role of the media in promoting and maintaining hegemony. However, the media can also be used to counter hegemonic discourses and empower people who have no voice. This is the case of ethnic minority media. The development of media by these groups has contributed to their inclusion into the public sphere, understood as the space in which citizen issues are articulated and negotiated, and where the struggle related to the imposition of hegemonic meanings takes place. In this context, they have become a tool in the fight against cultural hegemony, exclusion, and discrimination. Considering their enormous potential to counteract not only the biased and criminalizing representation of ethnic minorities in the mainstream media but also the “discursive exclusion” of these groups, the academic literature has described minority media as “alternative,” in two aspects: on the one hand, in relation to the generalist media, and on the other, in relation to their potential to offer new voices and discourses on social reality. This work focuses on elucidating the extent to which one can consider this type of media as “alternative,” considering that, despite their emancipatory potential, they are subject to the tensions and contradictions of the media space, which is emerging as a very complex space, influenced by other fields of power, e.g., political and economic. For these media, tensions are also generated in the transnational space, adding enormous complexity to the field. Resumen Existe un amplio consenso académico sobre el papel de los medios de comunicación en el fomento y mantenimiento de la hegemonía. Pero los medios también se pueden utilizar para contrarrestar los discursos hegemónicos y empoderar a las personas que no tienen voz. Este es el caso de los medios de minorías étnicas. El desarrollo de medios por parte de estos grupos ha contribuido a su inserción en la esfera pública, entendida como el espacio en el que se articulan y se negocian las cuestiones ciudadanas, y donde se produce la lucha por la imposición de significados hegemónicos sobre la realidad social. De este modo, se han convertido en una herramienta para la lucha contra la hegemonía cultural, la exclusión y la discriminación de colectivos minoritarios. Con su enorme potencial para contrarrestar no solo la representación sesgada y criminalizadora de las minorías étnicas en los medios de comunicación generalistas, sino también la “exclusión discursiva” de estos colectivos, la literatura científica ha calificado a los medios de minorías como “alternativos”, y ello en una doble vertiente: por un lado, en relación a los medios generalistas, y por otro, en relación a su potencial para ofrecer nuevas voces y discursos sobre la realidad social. Este trabajo se centra en dilucidar hasta qué punto podemos considerar a este tipo de medios como “alternativos”, teniendo en cuenta que, a pesar de su potencial emancipador, se encuentran sometidos a las tensiones y contradicciones del espacio mediático, que se perfila como un espacio muy complejo, influido por otros campos de poder, como son el político y el económico. En estos medios, dichas tensiones se generan además en el espacio transnacional, aportando una enorme complejidad.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-260
Author(s):  
Maria D. Alvarez ◽  
Sara Campo

Wars, conflicts, and other incidents between countries may give rise to feelings of animosity towards a given country that affect consumption choices. These negative feelings may also have roots on more general concerns regarding ideological differences, government policies, or human rights violations, and they may be supported by the broadcast of news by the media. Therefore, this study is aimed at obtaining a better understanding of the causes that may lead individuals to harbor feelings of animosity towards a particular country, with important potential consequences for tourism. In addition, the portrayal of the most disliked countries in the mainstream media is analyzed to better comprehend the influence that the media has on the formation of these negative feelings. According to the findings, the most important reasons why individuals dislike certain countries include the perception of the place as having a high degree of criminality or terrorism, the negative opinion concerning violation of human rights, and the dislike of the political system and the country's leader. These are also the topics that are mostly mentioned in the news concerning the specific countries analyzed.


Author(s):  
Herb Boyd

This chapter considers the role of the Black press and, to a more limited extent, the Latino press in Obama's campaign. Given his desire to transcend race and ethnicity yet his need to mobilize Black and Latino voters, this specialized press played a key role in the campaign. Before Obama became the forty-fourth President of the United States, his campaign was viewed in three major ways by the media: There were those who cheered him along; those uncertain what to make of him but who retained a tame, mainstream, “wait and see” perspective; and those whose views ranged from “critically supportive” to firmly opposed. Since his election, there has been little change in these assessments, though at this time there is a clearer delineation between those for and against Obama in the mainstream media as they gather a better understanding of his pragmatic tendencies on policy and issues.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Tonny Dian Effendi ◽  
Mohd Zaini Abubakar

The new democratic political system in Indonesia recognizes Indonesian-Chinese as part of the national building. In the post-Suharto era, they are enjoying their cultural identity including freedom of press and freely to use their mother language. In fact, they were still develop their identity inside Indonesia as the multi-cultural country. The magazine called China Town is one of the Indonesian-Chinese Community Magazine. The magazine is not merely as the media which periodically reporting Indonesian-Chinese activities and opinions, but also as the representation of their existence and also identity. This article attempts to measure the role of the magazine particularly concerning on the identity issues. Specifically, this research will examine to what extent the China Town magazine achieve the objectives in terms of media coverage in order to develop and strengthen their identity? This is a qualitative study with content analysis. The empirical data found that, the China Town magazine have attempted tries to convince that Indonesian-Chinese is part of the Indonesian nation, as the Indonesian identity, and they are not exclusive as well as homogenous community. However, the magazine have also expressed and emphasized that Indonesian-Chinese were part of Chinese diaspora. It portrays that the magazine gave a balance information between Indonesian mainstream media and Chinese news.


SURG Journal ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-17
Author(s):  
Michael Bates

This paper assesses the “moral panic” framework of Stanley Cohen with reference to panhandling and squeegeeing in Ontario. There are four general tenets of the moral panic model, three of which can be said to have been documented in the case of panhandling in Ontario: a recognized threat (panhandling), a rise in public concern, and punitive control mechanisms established to eliminate the threat. This paper argues that the fourth tenet, a stereotypical presentation of the moral threat to the social order, has not been systematically analyzed, and therefore that is the task of this paper. Specifically, this paper examines the framing used by the mainstream print media in Ontario to construct the panhandling/squeegeeing problem. Articles and letters­ to the­ editor were sampled from two mainstream Ontario newspapers, the Toronto Star and the Ottawa Citizen, to examine the mainstream media’s framing of panhandling and squeegee cleaning. This sample was taken between 1995 and 2005, a timeframe which revolves around the implementation of the Ontario Safe Streets Act 2000, which is recognized as the punitive control mechanism designed to eliminate the threat of panhandling. The findings of this paper lead to the conclusion that panhandling in Ontario during the implementation of the Ontario Safe Streets Act does not constitute a classic moral panic by virtue of the role the media played. However, the evidence that punitive control mechanisms were established absent the support of the mainstream media suggests that a deeper understanding of the role of mainstream media as well as political interests is required with respect to framing moral panics.


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