Voting Lines, Equal Treatment, and Early Voting Check-In Times in Florida

2020 ◽  
pp. 153244002094388
Author(s):  
David Cottrell ◽  
Michael C. Herron ◽  
Daniel A. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Measurement Problem ◽  
Equal Treatment ◽  
Lower Probability ◽  
Ceteris Paribus ◽  
Administrative Records ◽  
Early Voting ◽  
Unequal Treatment ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Cost Of Voting

Lines at the polls raise the cost of voting and can precipitate unequal treatment of voters. Research on voting lines is nonetheless hampered by a fundamental measurement problem: little is known about the distribution of time voters spend in line prior to casting ballots. We argue that early, in-person voter check-in times allow us identify individuals who waited in line to vote. Drawing on election administrative records from two General Elections in Florida—1,031,179 check-ins from 2012 and 1,846,845 from 2016—we find that minority voters incurred disproportionately long wait times in 2012 and that in-person voters who waited excessively in 2012 had a slightly lower probability—approximately one percent—of turning out to vote in 2016, ceteris paribus. These individuals also had slightly lower turnout probabilities in the 2014 Midterm Election, ceteris paribus. Our results draw attention to the ongoing importance of the administrative features of elections that influence the cost of voting and ultimately the extent to which voters are treated equally.

scholarly journals What does it take to make it to the polling station? The effects of campaign activities on electoral participation

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siim Trumm ◽  
Laura Sudulich
Keyword(s):  
Second Order ◽  
Electoral Participation ◽  
Relative Ability ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Local Campaigns ◽  
Cost Of Voting

This study explores the extent to which campaign visibility facilitates electoral participation, using data from first- and second-order elections in Britain. Our contribution to the existing literature is threefold. First, we assess whether the effects of campaign effort are conditioned by marginality, finding that campaign mobilization gets out the vote regardless of the competitiveness of the race. Second, we look at the relative ability of different campaign activities to stimulate turnout, detecting significant differences. Third, we show that the effects of campaign effort on electoral participation are rather similar in first- and second-order elections. These findings suggest that a greater level of electoral information provided by campaign activities does reduce the cost of voting. Local campaigns play a key role in bringing voters to the polls in marginal and non-marginal races and at general elections as much as at second-order elections.

scholarly journals Use of past care markers in risk-adjustment: accounting for systematic differences across providers

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Anselmi ◽  
Yiu-Shing Lau ◽  
Matt Sutton ◽  
Anna Everton ◽  
Rob Shaw ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Risk Adjustment ◽  
Fixed Effects ◽  
Goodness Of Fit ◽  
Reporting Quality ◽  
Cost Of Care ◽  
Local Health ◽  
Administrative Records ◽  
Practice Level ◽  
Improve Model ◽  
The Cost

AbstractRisk-adjustment models are used to predict the cost of care for patients based on their observable characteristics, and to derive efficient and equitable budgets based on weighted capitation. Markers based on past care contacts can improve model fit, but their coefficients may be affected by provider variations in diagnostic, treatment and reporting quality. This is problematic when distinguishing need and supply influences on costs is required.We examine the extent of this bias in the national formula for mental health care using administrative records for 43.7 million adults registered with 7746 GP practices in England in 2015. We also illustrate a method to control for provider effects.A linear regression containing a rich set of individual, GP practice and area characteristics, and fixed effects for local health organisations, had goodness-of-fit equal to R2 = 0.007 at person level and R2 = 0.720 at GP practice level. The addition of past care markers changed substantially the coefficients on the other variables and increased the goodness-of-fit to R2 = 0.275 at person level and R2 = 0.815 at GP practice level. The further inclusion of provider effects affected the coefficients on GP practice and area variables and on local health organisation fixed effects, increasing goodness-of-fit at GP practice level to R2 = 0.848.With adequate supply controls, it is possible to estimate coefficients on past care markers that are stable and unbiased. Nonetheless, inconsistent reporting may affect need predictions and penalise populations served by underreporting providers.

Unequal Treatment of Identical Agents in Cournot Equilibrium

1999 ◽  
Vol 89 (3) ◽  
pp. 585-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen W Salant ◽  
Greg Shaffer
Keyword(s):  
Marginal Cost ◽  
Consumer Surplus ◽  
Production Costs ◽  
Cournot Equilibrium ◽  
Unequal Treatment ◽  
Marginal Costs ◽  
Second Stage ◽  
Policy Debates ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Antitrust Regulation

Oligopoly models where prior actions by firms affect subsequent marginal costs have been useful in illuminating policy debates in areas such as antitrust regulation, environmental protection, and international competition. We discuss properties of such models when a Cournot equilibrium occurs at the second stage. Aggregate production costs strictly decline with no change in gross revenue or gross consumer surplus if the prior actions strictly increase the variance of marginal costs without changing the marginal-cost sum. Therefore, unless the cost of inducing second-stage asymmetry more than offsets this reduction in production costs, the private and social optima are asymmetric. (JEL D43, L13, L40)

The Context of Inconclusive Elections and the Implications for Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Saheed Owonikoko ◽  
Kelvin Ashindorbe
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
General Election ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Financial Cost ◽  
Root Cause ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Electoral Law

This paper examines the phenomenon of inconclusive elections witnessed in the polity since 2011 but with increased frequency since 2015, a development that has put the electoral management body on the spot light. Since the conclusion of the 2015 General elections, there have been seven off-cycle governorship elections, three of these elections in Kogi, Bayelsa and Osun state were initially declared inconclusive. In the 2019 General Election, six governorship contest in Adamawa, Bauchi, Benue, Kano, Plateau and Sokoto were determined inconclusive, this is beside the stalemate in River state. Does the increase in inconclusive elections signal progress or regression in the electoral process? What role has the ‘margin of lead’ principle and other factors such as violence play in the increased number of inconclusive elections in 2019? What are the cost and implications of the widespread nature of inconclusive elections for democratic consolidation? This paper interrogates these questions against a backdrop of mercantilist politics and a rentier economy and contends that the root cause of increased inconclusive elections is traceable to the inordinate ambitions of political gladiators and their desperation to win at all cost that is fueled by the prebendal character of the Nigerian state.  The paper concludes that impersonal application of the electoral law and guidelines can only enhance the integrity of the electoral process and strengthen democracy regardless of the associated social and financial cost of inconclusive elections. The methodology is qualitative in approach, data was analysed using the thematic and content analysis style.   

Turnout

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bendor ◽  
Daniel Diermeier ◽  
David A. Siegel ◽  
Michael M. Ting
Keyword(s):  
Population Size ◽  
Rational Choice Theory ◽  
Choice Theory ◽  
Comparative Statics ◽  
Electoral Participation ◽  
Basic Model ◽  
Empirically Supported ◽  
Game Theoretic ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Cost Of Voting

This chapter focuses on voter participation, perhaps the most well-known anomaly for rational choice theory. The problem goes like this: in large electorates, the chance that any single voter will be pivotal is very small. Consequently, the cost of voting will outweigh the expected gains from turning out and few citizens will vote. This prediction is not consistent with some of the most easily observed facts about elections. The chapter introduces a basic model of electoral participation that focuses on voters’ turnout decisions under fixed candidate platforms. Contrary to the “paradox of turnout” raised by game-theoretic models of turnout, the model consistently generates realistically high levels of turnout. It also produces comparative statics, including those for voting cost, population size, and faction size, that are intuitive and empirically supported.

The Legal Context of Turnout

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan E. Leighley ◽  
Jonathan Nagler
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
State Level ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Election Administration ◽  
Legal Context ◽  
Electoral Impact ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Cost Of Voting

This chapter considers the electoral impact the new, wider array of voter registration and election administration laws using a new data set collected on state electoral rules between 1972 and 2008. States vary tremendously as to how easy it is to register and to vote, and previous research suggests that these laws affect who votes because they change the cost of voting. However, most of these studies rely on cross-sectional data, and usually consider the influence of one reform at a time. The chapter provides aggregate (state-level) analyses of the effects of changes in these rules on voter turnout. These analyses help us address the question of whether overall voter turnout has increased as a result of these legal changes. It finds modest effects of election day registration, of absentee voting, and of moving the closing date for registration closer to the election on overall turnout. The effect of early voting is less clear.

Effective enforcement of EU labour law: A comparative example

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-412
Author(s):  
Michael Gotthardt
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Employment Relationship ◽  
Equal Treatment ◽  
European Convention ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Unequal Treatment ◽  
Procedural Law ◽  
Charter Of Fundamental Rights

The article looks at the outcome of the two legal proceedings in the Schüth and IR cases. In both cases employees of the Catholic Church – a choirmaster and organist in a Catholic parish and a trained physician working as Head of the Internal Medicine Department of a Catholic hospital - were dismissed because of the violation of the Basic Regulations on Employment Relationships in the Service of the Church. In the Schüth case Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), which protects the right to private and family life, had been violated. In the IR case the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and the Directive establishing a general framework for equal treatment in employment and occupation were applicable. The dismissal in IR was held to be unequal treatment in employment. But the outcome of both cases was very different. We find that Union law and in particular Article 47 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union makes all the difference. In the Schüth case, the employment relationship was terminated and the claimant’s only consolation was a claim for damages from the State. In the IR case, on the other hand, the termination was declared invalid and the employment relationship continued, i.e. the head physician did not lose his job. The comparison of the cases demonstrates that European law, backed by Article 47 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, has not only permeated procedural law, it has also led to an increase in judicial reviews of substantive law which in the application of Union law is a far cry from a mere plausibility review.

Rock the Vote or Block the Vote? How the Cost of Voting Affects the Voting Behavior of American Youth

2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (6) ◽  
pp. 719-724
Author(s):  
Courtney L. Juelich ◽  
Joseph A. Coll
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Population Survey ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
Age Group ◽  
Institutional Barriers ◽  
Young Voters ◽  
Percentage Points ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Youth Voting ◽  
Cost Of Voting

Young voters make up the largest portion of the electorate but vote at the lowest rates of any age group. While scholars have studied how culture affects youth political participation, few studies have analyzed how institutional barriers affect youth voting—even though these laws have been found to affect turnout of other disadvantaged groups. Considering younger citizens are more likely to be non-habitual voters with less political knowledge, efficacy, and resources, it is possible that these laws have magnified effects for youths. This could explain why new voters, facing new restrictions to voting, are participating at lower percentages than youths of earlier cohorts. Using the 2004–2016 Current Population Survey ( N = 360,000) and the Cost of Voting Index to test the effects of restrictive electoral environments on youth turnout, we find that restrictive environments disproportionately hurt young voters by decreasing the probability they turn out by 16 percentage points, compared with older voters.

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