scholarly journals Silencing the seventh trumpet: Analyzing the effect of private schooling on voting behavior

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-210
Author(s):  
Ian Kingsbury
Keyword(s):  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Private School ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
The United States ◽  
University Of Southern California ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Private Schooling ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The University ◽  
Quantity Of Education

The United States has one of the lowest election turnout rates in the developed world. Consequently, social scientists are perpetually seeking to expand upon their knowledge of what factors are associated with voting, or the lack thereof. Commonly identified factors including age, income, race, and educational attainment have been studied extensively. However, while the quantity of education is deemed important, the type of education is overlooked. The limited literature that exists on the topic suggests that private schools have a positive effect on civic outcomes, including voter participation. In using a rich, nationally representative dataset—the Understanding America Study based out of the University of Southern California—this study reexamines whether attending a private school has an effect on whether Americans vote. It also sheds light on a heretofore-unanswered question: How does private schooling affect which candidate an individual supports? Overall, the data indicate that private schooling appears to have no impact on voter turnout, but that attending some private school appears to have a liberalizing effect.

The Racial and Economic Context of Trump Support: Evidence for Threat, Identity, and Contact Effects in the 2016 Presidential Election

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Knowles ◽  
Linda Tropp
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Local Economy ◽  
Racial Identification ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Neighborhood Diversity ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
To Come ◽  
Neighborhood Level ◽  
Support Evidence

Donald Trump's ascent to the Presidency of the United States defied the expectations of many social scientists, pundits, and laypeople. To date, most efforts to understand Trump's rise have focused on personality and demographic characteristics of White Americans. In contrast, the present work leverages a nationally representative sample of Whites to examine how contextual factors may have shaped support for Trump during the 2016 presidential primaries. Results reveal that neighborhood-level exposure to racial and ethnic minorities is associated with greater group threat and racial identification among Whites, as well as greater intentions to vote for Trump in the general election. At the same time, however, neighborhood diversity afforded Whites with opportunities for intergroup contact, which is associated with lower levels of threat, White identification, and Trump support. Further analyses suggest that a healthy local economy mutes threat effects in diverse contexts, allowing contact processes to come to the fore.

New Mayors: France and the United States

1987 ◽  
Vol 8 (x) ◽  
pp. 263-275
Author(s):  
Richard Balme ◽  
Jeanne Becquart-Leclercq ◽  
Terry N. Clark ◽  
Vincent Hoffmann-Martinot ◽  
Jean-Yves Nevers
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Socialist Government ◽  
The University ◽  
The City ◽  
Significant Support ◽  
The Welfare State

In 1983 we organized a conference on “Questioning the Welfare State and the Rise of the City” at the University of Paris, Nanterre. About a hundred persons attended, including many French social scientists and political activists. Significant support came from the new French Socialist government. Yet with Socialism in power since 1981, it was clear that the old Socialist ideas were being questioned inside and outside the Party and government—especially in the important decentralization reforms. There was eager interest in better ways to deliver welfare state services at the local level.

Planning for and Working With Children With an Auditory Brainstem Implant: What Therapists Need to Know

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dianne M. Hammes Ganguly ◽  
Debra K. Schrader ◽  
Amy S. Martinez
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Southern California ◽  
The United States ◽  
Auditory Brainstem ◽  
University Of Southern California ◽  
Placement Decisions ◽  
Family Center ◽  
Children With Hearing Loss ◽  
Auditory Brainstem Implants ◽  
The University

IntroductionInvestigations of auditory brainstem implants (ABIs) in children started around 2012 in the United States. The team at the University of Southern California-Caruso Family Center for Childhood Communication began seeing children, implanted abroad, in 2006. ABIs are indicated for children who cannot benefit from cochlear implants (CIs). The habilitation and educational needs of children with ABIs versus CIs differ.PurposeThis document provides information professionals can use when implementing habilitation programs for children with ABIs.MethodThe University of Southern California-Caruso Family Center for Childhood Communication, as part of the Los Angeles Pediatric ABI team, is conducting an ABI safety and feasibility clinical trial. This article shares experiences from the viewpoint of a multidisciplinary team. The article provides background knowledge, an outcomes review, and considerations to guide ABI intervention.ResultsABIs and CIs differ in the acoustic information they provide. Outcome studies suggest progress is slow with ABIs but that children can develop some auditory or spoken language skills. The children require highly supportive learning experiences. Visual communication support remains important. The considerations outlined reflect the children's need for explicit instruction.ConclusionsWhen serving children with ABIs, therapists must apply their broad knowledge about working with children with hearing loss, tempering that knowledge, and recognizing that auditory access and progress differ with ABIs compared to CIs. Educational and program placement decisions may require unconventional thinking.

Abdel Aleem, Mariam (1930–2010)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Dwider
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Fine Arts ◽  
The United States ◽  
Bachelor's Degree ◽  
University Of Southern California ◽  
Folk Culture ◽  
Graphic Arts ◽  
Founding Member ◽  
The University ◽  
Venice Biennale

Mariam Abdel Aleem was a prominent Egyptian graphic artist known for her printed works and engraving that stitched together symbols from ancient and contemporary Egypt to create abstracted compositions. These compositions often incorporated Arabic text and featured both hand-written calligraphy and appropriated or collaged text. In addition to her printed works, Abdel Aleem also produced paintings that focused on representations of Egyptian folk culture. Abdel Aleem graduated from the Higher Institute of Art Education in Cairo with a bachelor’s degree in 1954. In the years following, she studied graphic arts at the University of Southern California and received a master’s degree in Fine Arts in 1957. While in the United States, Abdel Aleem also studied at the Pratt Institute in New York. She taught printmaking as a member of Alexandria University’s Faculty of Fine Arts from its founding in 1958, and was appointed director of the Faculty in 1981. Mariam Abdel Aleem also served as a founding member of both the Association of Fine Artists in Alexandria and the Egyptian Art of Engraving Society. She frequently represented Egypt at international biennials including the Venice Biennale, the Sao Paulo Biennial, and the Graphics Biennial in Norway.

The Mediterranean as a Borderland

2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda T. Darling
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Southwest ◽  
Clash Of Civilizations ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
The North ◽  
University Of Arizona ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
The University ◽  
North And South

A useful paradigm for studying Mediterranean and world history is the concept behind a course I teach, “The Mediterranean as a Borderland.” The paradigm of the borderland was generated by policymakers and social scientists studying the American Southwest and developed for the field of history by Oscar Martinez at the University of Arizona. Arizona is in the borderland, the region close to the border between the United States and Mexico where the influence of Mexico can be directly felt. There is of course an equivalent region on the other side in Mexico that is directly influenced by its proximity to the United States. These two regions together comprise the borderland, and they are in many ways more similar to each other than either is to the rest of the nation it belongs to. Unlike the border itself, which divides one country from another, the borderland is the area where the two societies meet and overlap. The Mediterranean Sea is often seen as a border between Christian and Muslim civilizations to the north and south. It can therefore be studied as a borderland, the region where the two overlap. Such a study highlights similarities, influences, and exchanges rather than differences and oppositions; it forms a necessary corrective to today’s emphasis on the “clash of civilizations.” This paper gives a historiography of the borderland paradigm and its application in the Mediterranean, and compares it with the closely related concept of the frontier.

The Politics of American Political Scientists

1971 ◽  
Vol 4 (02) ◽  
pp. 135-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Everett Carll Ladd ◽  
Seymour Martin Lipset
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
The United States ◽  
Faculty Members ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Views ◽  
General Recognition ◽  
The University

At the heart of the debates which have resounded around political science these past few years are charges and countercharges as to the “politics” of the contenders. Terms likeconservative, liberalandradical areno longer reserved for analysis of positions in the larger society; they have become part of the regular vocabulary with which political scientists evaluate their colleagues. This increase in visible and self-conscious political dissensus extends, of course, throughout the university, but it has left a special mark on political science and the other social sciences where the issues and objects of political disagreement are so enmeshed with the regular subject matter of the discipline.In spite of all of the discussion, and the now seemingly general recognition that the politics of members of the profession has a lot to do with its development and contributions, we still don't have very much firm information on the distribution of political views among the approximately 6,000 faculty members regularly engaged in the teaching of political science in the United States. There have been a number of studies, of course, of party identification and voting behavior, showing political science to be one of the most Democratic fields in academe.

scholarly journals A polygenic score for educational attainment partially predicts voter turnout

2021 ◽  
Vol 118 (50) ◽  
pp. e2022715118
Author(s):  
Christopher T. Dawes ◽  
Aysu Okbay ◽  
Sven Oskarsson ◽  
Aldo Rustichini
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Educational Attainment ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
The United States ◽  
Second Order ◽  
Adoption Studies ◽  
Polygenic Score ◽  
Family Analysis ◽  
Swedish Sample

Twin and adoption studies have shown that individual differences in political participation can be explained, in part, by genetic variation. However, these research designs cannot identify which genes are related to voting or the pathways through which they exert influence, and their conclusions rely on possibly restrictive assumptions. In this study, we use three different US samples and a Swedish sample to test whether genes that have been identified as associated with educational attainment, one of the strongest correlates of political participation, predict self-reported and validated voter turnout. We find that a polygenic score capturing individuals’ genetic propensity to acquire education is significantly related to turnout. The strongest associations we observe are in second-order midterm elections in the United States and European Parliament elections in Sweden, which tend to be viewed as less important by voters, parties, and the media and thus present a more information-poor electoral environment for citizens to navigate. A within-family analysis suggests that individuals’ education-linked genes directly affect their voting behavior, but, for second-order elections, it also reveals evidence of genetic nurture. Finally, a mediation analysis suggests that educational attainment and cognitive ability combine to account for between 41% and 63% of the relationship between the genetic propensity to acquire education and voter turnout.

The Racial and Economic Context of Trump Support

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric D. Knowles ◽  
Linda R. Tropp
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Local Economy ◽  
Racial Identification ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
Neighborhood Diversity ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
To Come ◽  
Neighborhood Level

Donald Trump’s ascent to the Presidency of the United States defied the expectations of many social scientists, pundits, and laypeople. To date, most efforts to understand Trump’s rise have focused on personality and demographic characteristics of White Americans. In contrast, the present work leverages a nationally representative sample of Whites to examine how contextual factors may have shaped support for Trump during the 2016 presidential primaries. Results reveal that neighborhood-level exposure to racial and ethnic minorities predicts greater group threat and racial identification among Whites as well as greater intentions to vote for Trump in the general election. At the same time, however, neighborhood diversity afforded Whites with opportunities for intergroup contact, which predicted lower levels of threat, White identification, and Trump support. Further analyses suggest that a healthy local economy mutes threat effects in diverse contexts, allowing contact processes to come to the fore.

Structure, Behavior, and Voter Turnout in the United States

1998 ◽  
Vol 92 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard J. Timpone
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Selection Bias ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
The United States ◽  
Gender Attitudes ◽  
Electoral Participation ◽  
Actual Decision

Electoral participation in the United States is examined to provide a clearer account of the effect of the registration requirement on individual voting behavior. Pooling NES data from 1980, 1984, and 1988, I first model, with traditional and selection bias techniques, the full electorate to distinguish among three groups: nonregistrants, registered nonvoters, and voters. Analyses limited to recent movers then reported to understand more fully the forces associated with the actual decision calculi of registering and voting. The influences of many factors commonly accepted as important determinants of voting are disentangled, and their effect at each stage is ascertained. Factors yielding inconsistent effects in previ research or believed to be unimportant—such as race, gender, attitudes toward the candidates, and trust government—are shown to deserve closer scrutiny by electoral scholars.

Fixing America's Broken Immigration System: Introduction

2010 ◽  
Vol 78 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-92
Author(s):  
Mae M. Ngai
Keyword(s):  
Immigration Policy ◽  
International Perspective ◽  
International Studies ◽  
Columbia University ◽  
University Of Southern California ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Woodrow Wilson ◽  
Policy Debates ◽  
Policy Analysts ◽  
The University

In January 2008, at the meeting of the American Historical Association, I had coffee with two colleagues, Gary Gerstle and George Sánchez, with whom I share an abiding interest in labor and immigration history, as well as current politics. We hatched an idea to hold a conference on immigration policy reform, which we believed would potentially be back on Congress's agenda after the new administration—we did not know at the time who would be the next president—took office. Ours certainly would not be the first conference on immigration policy. But we wanted to bring two perspectives that are not commonly aired in policy debates today: the historical perspective and the international perspective. We decided to bring together historians, social scientists, advocates, policy analysts, and journalists for a gathering in Washington, D.C., where we hoped to get the attention of those on Capitol Hill. We were fortunate that the Woodrow Wilson Center for International Studies agreed to host and cosponsor the event and that we were able to work with historian Sonya Michel, the center's new director for United States studies. Additional cosponsors included Columbia University, the University of Southern California, and Vanderbilt University.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document