Digital collaborative platforms: A challenge for both the legislator and the social partners in the Nordic model

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annamaria Westregård

This paper focuses on the specific problems in the labour and social security legislation as it relates to crowdworkers in the digitalised new economy, analysing their place in labour market, and especially in the collective agreements which are the standard means of regulating working conditions in the Nordic model. Sweden has a binary system where a performing party is as either an employee or self-employed. The law on working and employment conditions offers only limited protection to those on short, fixed-term contracts; instead, it is social partners that have improved crowdworkers’ conditions in some industries by using collective bargaining. However, there are no collective agreements in the digital economy, or indeed for platform entrepreneurs. The complications of the parties’ positions will be analysed, especially as platforms do not consider themselves to be employers, but rather coordinators of the self-employed. It is not only labour law regulations that are important to prevent precariat among crowdworkers. It is also very important that the social security regulations adapt to the new labour market as the social security legislation is an important part of the Nordic model.

2016 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-236
Author(s):  
Stephan Seiwerth

AbstractSocial partners have played a privileged role in German social security administration since Bismarckian times. In 2014, a new legislation empowered the social partners to set the level of the statutory minimum wage and to demand the extension of collective agreements. This article examines the interdependence of the trade unions’ and employer organisations’ membership numbers and their involvement in state regulation of labour and social security law. In case the interest in autonomous regulations is not going to increase, the state will have to step in with more heteronomous regulation. This would incrementally lead to a system change.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 154-174
Author(s):  
Claudia Schubert ◽  
Laura Schmitt

Not only in Germany but in many European states the level of coverage by collective agreements is declining. Since collective bargaining autonomy is based on the principle of voluntary membership, one of its weaknesses lies in the declining degree of organisation on both the employers’ and the employees’ side. In the long term, weak unions cannot ensure fair working conditions. As a result, collective bargaining agreements lose their inherent warranty of correctness. In the legal policy discussion, this has led to calls for the legislator. In response, in 2014 the German legislature passed the ‘Act to Strengthen the Autonomy of Collective Bargaining’ ( Tarifautonomiestärkungsgesetz) to lower the requirements for the extension of collective agreements and to introduce a national minimum wage. As this has not led to significant improvements, there are further-reaching proposals for the statutory extension of collective agreements. The extension of collective bargaining agreements to non-members does not strengthen the social partnership on the employee side. However, it is a legitimate means to avoid a race to the bottom in competing for the lowest social standard; extensions help in creating common labour standards as long as a sufficient margin is maintained for the social partners to negotiate sector-specific regulations and to shape working conditions. A legal system, which is based on rights of freedom and does not consider the freedom of association to be a solely goal-orientated right, offers limited options to strengthen the social partners through legislation. Extensions become increasingly difficult to justify, the higher the existing level of legal protection. Especially in countries with minimum wage legislation and a large amount of employee protection legislation the justification requirements increase. However, at least in Germany, to date the judiciary has not sufficiently considered these aspects. Even though international laws leave substantial freedoms to the states, all legal systems that are based on a strong and vital social partnership should be interested in obtaining and protecting the plurality of collective bargaining agreements. They should only lay down limits, where there are tendencies of eroding solidarity among workforces due to the parallel existence of several collective bargaining agreements. The associations themselves possess limited resources for extending their member base. Still, the more the individual can gain from association membership, the more likely employees and employers are to join their respective associations. Therefore, the state should demonstrate restraint regarding the regulation of labour conditions. However, such restraint will prove difficult for welfare states. Their governments will most likely opt to eliminate deficiencies through legislation, even at the price of further weakening collective bargaining autonomy. Compared to extensions, legal provisions have the disadvantage of being too general and less flexible because of the much slower adaptation process. Therefore, the main argument in favour of extensions is that they facilitate the differentiation of mandatory working conditions. To ensure their legitimation, a number of design options can be considered. Regarding this, neither European nor international law impose high requirements but existing differences between national legal systems demand custom-fit solutions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 203195252110566
Author(s):  
Anna Wallerman Ghavanini

While Sweden has long enjoyed a solid reputation for protecting weaker parties through a comprehensive welfare state and a labour market governed by collective bargaining, its system for enforcing these rights has rested upon the public authorities and the social partners rather than on judicial proceedings. Against this background, this article examines the legal avenues for bringing collective actions and obtaining collective redress before courts in social security and labour law cases in Sweden. It finds that the relevant legislation does not explicitly provide for collective redress in either field. Within social security law, collective access to court is practically excluded, whereas in labour law, the current procedural framework can only with difficulty be construed as lending itself to measures of collective redress, and then only with some significant legal and practical limitations. While indicative of the general situation as regards collective redress in Sweden, whose legislation on group actions has been criticised for its toothlessness and has been put to little practical use, this also suggests that the tradition of collectivism in the Swedish social security and labour market systems still does not translate into collectivism in judicial redress.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 217-227
Author(s):  
Magdolna Vallasek

"Following the coming into force of the new Social Dialogue Act in 2011, the Romanian collective bargaining system has fundamentally changed due to the restructuring of the levels of collective bargaining and the definition of the representativeness criteria. The collective agreement is the central institution of the collective labour law, the existence or non-existence of it, the content of the agreement being of a real interest for the enforcement of employees’ interest. The new regulation significantly weakened the bargaining power of the social partners, which very soon led to a drastic reduction in the number of the concluded collective agreements. In our study, we try to point out the problematic issues of the Romanian regulation related to the collective agreement, anticipating at the same time the possible new perspectives opened up by the attempt to amend the law."


2004 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 416-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikkel Mailand

This article reports on research into social partnerships aiming at labour market inclusion that developed during the 1990s in Denmark, the UK and Spain. Some of these partnerships are directly related to corporate social responsibility (CSR initiatives in individual firms), whereas others are only indirectly related (for instance, active labour market policy initiatives at local, regional and national level). Developments such as new target groups for such policies, the weakening of the social partners, ideological change, policy transfer and budget constraints of the state have led to more partnerships taking a multipartite form, meaning that not only the public authorities and the social partners, but also new actors such as business networks, commercial operators and NGOs, participate. The involvement of new actors poses a challenge for the traditional actors – among them the trade unions. Whether the relations between traditional and new actors are best described by conflict or by cooperation cannot be explained by regime theories. The decisive factor seems to be the extent to which the new actors challenge the privileged positions of the traditional actors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-129
Author(s):  
Matteo Avogaro

In recent years, the increasing process of digitization has gradually blurred the boundaries between work and private life. Therefore, new issues concerning workers’ protection arose. One of the main topics on this matter is related to employees’ tendency to utilize technological devices, as smartphones and tablets, to remain “connected” to their job outside ordinary business hours. In relation to this aspect, the paper addresses the debate and juridical solutions proposed and developed in France, through the Loi El Khomri, and in Italy, with the law No. 81/2017 recently approved by Parliament, to introduce a right (and/or an obligation) to disconnect in favour of digitized employees, and in order to protect workers’ private life, preventing diseases related to risk of burnout and the augmentation of stress. Furthermore, the analysis will be focused on the social debate related to the abovementioned topic. In particular, it will concern the positions assumed on this matter by main workers’ and employers’ organizations of the said countries, and their reactions to the initiatives undertaken by legislators, in order to realize a first evaluation concerning the impact of the solutions proposed. Afterwards, the attention will be cantered on praxis and tools introduced by collective agreements, in order to verify whether social partners have been able to find more efficient methods to balance work and private life, than the ones suggested by legislators. The outcome of the paper is referred to the actions that ILO could assume, on the base of the experience developed in France and in Italy, to address the future global issue of protecting employees’ work-life balance.


2005 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 026-044 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heiko Massa-Wirth ◽  
Hartmut Seifert

This contribution deals with company-level pacts for employment and competitiveness (PECs) under the German collective bargaining system. Due to the introduction of collectively agreed opening clauses and the associated decentralisation of the collective bargaining system, the social partners at the company level now have greater opportunities to negotiate company-specific adjustments in the areas of compensation and working conditions. Currently, in return for – generally fixed-term – employer guarantees concerning location and job preservation, PECs have been negotiated in about one in four companies with a works council. The new ‘pacts’ increase internal flexibility in the firm by extending the leeway for a flexible adjustment of working time, work organisation and remuneration. A survey of works councils, conducted by the WSI, provides understanding of the economic and institutional factors which influence the spread and composition of these concessionary agreements. Alongside a commitment to social partnership on the management side, the presence of a sectoral collective agreement is an important prerequisite for ensuring, first of all, that the employer agrees to employment guarantees in exchange for the employee concessions and, secondly, that these management pledges are actually observed in practice.


Author(s):  
Katia Cristine Oliveira Teles

Resumo: O presente artigo objetiva analisar o regime constitucional da Assistência Social para demonstrar o verdadeiro papel desse subsistema para assegurar o alcance do princípio da universalidade da cobertura e do atendimento, prescrito no artigo 194, parágrafo único, inciso I, da Constituição de 1988. Para tanto, parte-se da prescrição constitucional (artigo 201) de que a previdência social é devida ao trabalhador e seu dependente, mas que existe uma parte da população brasileira que não trabalha ou está em condições precárias de trabalho, e que demanda proteção social diante da sua situação de vulnerabilidade. Para desenvolver esta pesquisa, partiu-se do método dedutivo, em que a assistência social foi estudada preliminarmente no plano constitucional para, depois, ser compendiada a jurisprudência pátria com o intuito de obter resultados teóricos e empíricos da realidade da seguridade social no Brasil, especialmente em relação à concretização da assistência social na busca da universalização.Abstract: This article aims to analyze the constitutional system of Social Assistance to demonstrate the true role of this subsystem to ensure the scope of the principle of the universality of coverage and care, prescribed in article 194, sole paragraph, item I, of the 1988 Constitution, it is based on the constitutional prescription (article 201) that social security is due to the worker and his dependents, but that there is a part of the Brazilian population that does not work or is in precarious working conditions, and that demands social protection before the vulnerability. In order to develop this research, it was based on the deductive method, in which the social assistance was preliminarily studied at the constitutional level and then the country jurisprudence was summarized in order to obtain theoretical and empirical results of the social security situation in Brazil, especially in relation to the realization of social assistance in the search for universalization.


Author(s):  
Alejandra Selma Penalva

La situación laboral de un país, resulta un buen indicador práctico de su condición económica. Pero no solo eso. No se puede olvidar que las condiciones en las que se encuentre el mercado de trabajo condicionarán el nivel de recursos de los que disponga la Seguridad Social, y con ello, el futuro próximo de nuestro sistema de pensiones. De tal forma quizá sea el momento de emprender cierto tipo de reformas con el fin de incentivar la cotización y minimizar el fraude. En el presente trabajo se analizan con detenimiento los distintos problemas de los que actualmente adolece el mercado de trabajo español al tiempo que se plantean ciertas estrategias de reforma que podrían ayudar a mejorar la situación económica de la Seguridad Social.The employment situation of a country is an economic indicator, but not only that. We cannot forget that the current situation of the labour market will determine the level of resources available at Social Security, and with it, the future of our pension system. May be the time to undertake certain type of reforms to encourage the quote and minimize the fraud. This paper analyzes with detail different problems of which currently suffers Spanish laobur market to improve the economic situation of the Social Security.


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