scholarly journals What is the “lite” in “alt-lite?” The discourse of white vulnerability and dominance among YouTube’s reactionaries

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 205630512110363
Author(s):  
Cindy Ma
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
Racial Stereotypes ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Rhetorical Strategies ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
White People ◽  
Self Presentation ◽  
Color Blind

This article examines the discourse of “alt-lite” YouTube personalities in a North American context, with a focus on how whiteness is understood and represented. It argues that, despite their self-presentation as color-blind conservatives, these figures are firmly embedded within white supremacist ideology. A qualitative approach to content analysis is adopted to excavate the logics underlying these videos and to highlight the rhetorical tools at work. By framing themselves as the vulnerable targets of progressive movements, “alt-lite” personalities have helped to revive and legitimize a discourse of white victimhood. Their videos emphasize the historic dominance of “white culture” while bemoaning the current and future vulnerability of white people in a politically correct, social-justice-oriented world. Ultimately, the article argues that “alt-lite” figures are united by a set of mitigating rhetorical strategies, which are used to temper and obfuscate their reactionary views. These strategies include performatively aligning with one minority group to denigrate another; highlighting personal relationships with non-white people and knowledge of non-white cultures; embracing a color-blind worldview purportedly rooted in the civil rights movement; and maintaining ironic distance when espousing more overtly hateful racial stereotypes. The adoption of these strategies by right-wing micro-celebrities should not deter scholars and civil society groups from acknowledging when those same figures traffic in white supremacist rhetoric.

The Heart of the Movement

2018 ◽  
pp. 54-88
Author(s):  
Elaine Allen Lechtreck
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Martin Luther ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
White People ◽  
Small Minority ◽  
The Face ◽  
Taxi Service ◽  
Martin Luther King

The chapter reveals the violence associated with the Civil Rights Movement, the courage of African American activists (Martin Luther King, Rosa Parks, Medgar Evers) and the small minority of southern white ministers who joined them. In Montgomery, Alabama, Robert Graetz provided taxi service for demonstrators. Andrew Turnipseed paid the salary of James Love, who signed the Mobile bus petition, when his parishioners would not. No southern white minister would participate in freedom rides, but John Morris organized a Freedom Ride after the violence subsided. The group was arrested. Joseph Ellwanger was harassed in Birmingham. Hundreds of black protestors were arrested and tortured. Martin Luther King, Jr., wrote Letter from a Birmingham Jail. Edwin King was arrested and tortured. The Klan and other white supremacist groups flourished. Black activists and some whites were murdered in Mississippi. As Edwin King commented, “Good white people could do nothing in the face of madness.”

scholarly journals Trends in Black-White Church Integration

2009 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Q. Yang ◽  
Starlita Smith
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
White Americans ◽  
White People ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Blacks And Whites ◽  
Martin Luther King ◽  
The Church

Historically, the separation of blacks and whites in churches was well known (Gilbreath 1995; Schaefer 2005). Even in 1968, about four years after the passage of the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. still said that “eleven o'clock on Sunday is the most segregated hour of the week” (Gilbreath 1995:1). His reference was to the entrenched practice of black and white Americans who worshiped separately in segregated congregations even though as Christians, their faith was supposed to bring them together to love each other as brothers and sisters. King's statement was not just a casual observation. One of the few places that civil rights workers failed to integrate was churches. Black ministers and their allies were at the forefront of the church integration movement, but their stiffest opposition often came from white ministers. The irony is that belonging to the same denomination could not prevent the racial separation of their congregations. In 1964, when a group of black women civil rights activists went to a white church in St. Augustine, Florida to attend a Sunday service, the women were met by a phalanx of white people with their arms linked to keep the activists out (Bryce 2004). King's classic “Letter from a Birmingham Jail” was a response to white ministers who criticized him and the civil rights movement after a major civil rights demonstration (King [2002]).

Paul Bunyan and the “Frozen Logger”

2020 ◽  
pp. 180-240
Author(s):  
Michael Goldfield
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
The South ◽  
Wood Industry ◽  
National Office

Chapter 5 highlights the wood industry, one of the largest industries in the country. Most of the woodworkers were located in the South, and half of those workers were African-American. Woodworkers successfully organized in the Northwest and Canada, the other two centers of the industry. Despite a perceived willingness of southern woodworkers to unionize, this did not happen. The chapter attributes most of the problems to an incompetent, right-wing, racially backward leadership, which was installed by the CIO national office before World War II. The chapter also argues that the successful organization of southern woodworkers had the potential to radically transform the civil rights movement.

White People Ain’t Left Us Nothin’ But the Underworld: Historicity, Race and the American Dream in Ridley Scott’s American Gangster

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Sampson
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Lived Experience ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Task Force ◽  
White People ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Drug Lord ◽  
The 1960S

Released in 2007, Ridley Scott’s American Gangster tracks the career of Frank Lucas (Denzel Washington), who dominated the Harlem drug trade in the 1960s and 70s through his monopoly over heroin, which he imported directly from Vietnam and Thailand. The film follows the character of Detective Richie Roberts (Russell Crowe), who led the police task force ultimately responsible for toppling Lucas’ regime. This paper investigates the historical validity of the film, taking into consideration the consultant role Roberts and Lucas adopted during production alongside the political implications of Scott’s decision to cinematize (and so implicitly condone) the life of a convicted drug lord and accused murderer. It examines both filmic elements of music, casting and cinematography as well sociological concerns of race, space, masculinity and class in order to determine whether the film realistically portrays the lived experience of gang members and Harlem residents alike. Moreover, it considers the film’s political backdrop and its engagement with events like the Vietnam War, the Civil Rights Movement and the 1970s recession. Ultimately, the paper concludes that despite Scott’s efforts to undermine traditional iconography by portraying Lucas as a complex, rational and respected outlaw-businessman, the narrative’s lack of critical engagement with the socio-economic context of its era ultimately render it presentist in style, content and intention.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Gillespie McRae
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
White Women ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
Racial Segregation ◽  
Elected Officials ◽  
World War ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
Massive Resistance

Massive resistance to the civil rights movement has often been presented as sequestered in the South, limited to the decade between the Brown Decision and the Civil Rights Act, and attributed to the most vehement elected officials and the Citizens’ Councils. But that version ignores the long-standing work of white women who sustained racial segregation and nurtured both massive support for the Jim Crow order in the interwar period and who transformed support into massive resistance after World War II. Support for the segregated state existed among everyday people. Maintaining racial segregation was not solely or even primarily the work of elected officials. Its adherents sustained the system with quotidian work, and on the ground, it was often white women who shaped and sustained white supremacist politics.

The Not-So-New Southern Racism

2019 ◽  
pp. 43-69
Author(s):  
Angie Maxwell ◽  
Todd Shields
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Vantage Point ◽  
The South ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
Racial Hierarchy ◽  
Public Displays ◽  
White Voters ◽  
Do So

During and after the Civil Rights Movement, GOP leaders capitalized on white racial angst to attract southern white voters. However, in order to do so without alienating Republicans nationwide, the GOP utilized coded language as an end-around of public displays of prejudice and championed an “us vs. them” cosmology. The decline of overt, Old-Fashioned Racism seemed positive, but the decline masked the persistence of white supremacist attitudes so dominant in the South. Since whiteness functions as a vantage point, supremacy can be maintained as long as the gap between whites and an “other” is also maintained. When denigrating minorities publicly was no longer socially acceptable, the GOP manufactured a host of increasingly threatening “others.” These common enemies catalyzed both an elevation of and a clinging to whiteness, which, in turn, preserved the “not-so-new” racial hierarchy key to southern white voters that only relative measures of racial animus can expose.

Introduction: Deferred Dreams, Defiant Struggles

2018 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Violet Showers Johnson ◽  
Gundolf Graml ◽  
Patricia Williams Lessane
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
First Century ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Socially Constructed ◽  
Early Twenty ◽  
History Of ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Post Civil Rights ◽  
Freedom Struggles

Offers a brief international history of black oppression, exploitation and misrepresentation. The significant gains born out of the freedom struggles of the 1950s and 1960s are noted and reflected upon in the context of the persistent injustices and discrimination experienced by African-descended peoples around the world today. Parallels are drawn between the anti-immigrant rhetoric of Enoch Powell’s 1968 “Rivers of Blood” speech and the rise of right-wing populism across Europe in the early twenty-first century. The recent police killings of African-Americans are discussed in order to highlight the continuation of the black struggle in a post-civil rights USA. A broad overview of the contents of volume is then provided. Subjects and themes outlined range from the dynamics of the struggle against racism in a transnational context, to the disruption of socially constructed discourses on blackness via artistic and religious performativity, and the lesser known struggles of the Civil Rights Movement.

“Will the Jungle Take Over?” National Review and the Defense of Western Civilization in the Era of Civil Rights and African Decolonization

2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 997-1023 ◽  
Author(s):  
JESSE CURTIS
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
The United States ◽  
First Century ◽  
Western Civilization ◽  
Scientific Racism ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
National Review ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Global Threat

During the 1950s and 1960s, conservative intellectuals in the United States described African decolonization and the civil rights movement as symptoms of a global threat to white, Western civilization. In the most influential conservative journal of the period, National Review, writers such as William F. Buckley grouped these events together as dangerous contributors to civilizational decline. In the crucible of transnational black revolt, some conservative intellectuals embraced scientific racism in the 1960s. These often-ignored features of conservative intellectual thought provided space for white supremacist ideals to continue to ferment on the American right into the twenty-first century.

scholarly journals Never Together: Black and White People in the Postwar Economic Era

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-42
Author(s):  
Peter Temin
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Economic History ◽  
Racial Segregation ◽  
Black Education ◽  
World War ◽  
White People ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Black Elite

This paper recounts American economic history for 60 years after World War II. The unusual part of this paper is that it focuses on not only the conventional tale, but also recounts what whites did to and for Blacks over this period. It starts from the unhappy experience of a Black American soldier, goes through the prosperity that followed the war and ends with the various changes that happened to the economy after 1970. The Civil Rights Movement is in the middle, and it gave rise to more Black education before racial segregation destroyed their gains. Some Blacks graduated from college and became a Black Elite. Obama’s election showed that the Black Elite could interact with relative equality with educated whites.

Early Struggles

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sid Bedingfield
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
African American ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Rights Movement ◽  
Black Community ◽  
Insurance Industry ◽  
The South ◽  
White Supremacist ◽  
History Of ◽  
White Supremacists

This chapter introduces John Henry McCray, the young African-American editor whose newspaper would play a key role in reviving civil rights activism in the South Carolina. Raised in Lincolnville, an all-black village near Charleston, South Carolina, McCray gave up a relatively comfortable insurance-industry job to launch a newspaper in 1935. He teamed up with NAACP activists and used his newspaper to battle conservative forces in the black community who wanted to “accommodate” white supremacist rule. The chapter details the history of “accommodationism,” which re-gained strength in South Carolina after white supremacists crushed a nascent civil rights movement in the early 1920s.

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