scholarly journals Nigerian Civil Society Situation Room (NCSSR) and Electioneering Process in Nigeria (2015–2019)

SAGE Open ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 215824402110067
Author(s):  
Babayo Sule ◽  
Usman Sambo ◽  
Abdulkadir Ahmed ◽  
Muhammad Yusuf

Civil society organizations have played a pivotal role in democratization process in Nigeria since the advent of the Fourth Republic. They have greatly helped in the success of the 2015 and 2019 General Elections through pre-election, during election, and in post-election monitoring and advocacy. This article, therefore, examined the role of the Nigerian Civil Society Situation Room (NCSSR) in improving the election in Nigeria during the 2015 and 2019 General Elections. While many civil societies flourished recently in Nigeria, their role toward democratization and facilitating credible election remain insignificant until in the 2015 and 2019 General Elections where their activities helped immensely the process of a credible election. A Civil Society as the Third Tier of Government framework was adopted as a theoretical explanation of the context of the work. The research used a qualitative case study method of data collection where informants consisting of members of NCSSR, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and academicians were selected for the interview and Focus Group Discussion. The total number selected was 16 from the three identified categories. The research discovered that the NCSSR aided the process and fairness of the 2015 and 2019 General Elections through proper monitoring, civic voter education, active collaboration with electoral body (INEC), and collaboration with international donor agencies through what they called “Civil Society Situation Room” which consist of more than 60 registered civil societies. The research recommends that civil societies should be empowered with constitutional backing and independent funding to enable them carry out their responsibilities adequately. Also, the article recommends that the electoral body (INEC) should liaise more and cooperate with civil societies to enable them conduct good and credible elections in future.

2012 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan D. Dangour ◽  
Zoey Diaz ◽  
Lucy Martinez Sullivan

Background An estimated two billion people globally suffer from undernutrition, and yet, despite consensus that improving nutrition is one of the best investments for promoting health and alleviating poverty, nutrition remains chronically underfunded and under-prioritized. Successfully scaling global efforts to address undernutrition requires an understanding of the landscape of potential donors and partners that can be mobilized toward improving nutrition globally. Objective To conduct independent reviews of the European and US landscapes of donors and partners focused on undernutrition, and identify opportunities to leverage outreach and advocacy efforts toward increased engagement and funding for nutrition. Methods We present the primary findings from two independent landscaping studies conducted between September 2010 and March 2011. Research methods included desk-based research and interviews with stakeholders in bilateral and multilateral organizations ( n = 19), private industries ( n = 46), private funders ( n = 16), and civil society organizations ( n = 29). We report the key thematic findings by sector and the challenges and opportunities for increased engagement and funding for nutrition. Results Nutrition is a growing priority for a number of stakeholders across sectors. Strategic commitment to nutrition is emerging across multilateral and bilateral donor agencies; the private sector is increasingly interested in engaging in addressing undernutrition; and nongovernmental and civil society groups are engaged in nutrition advocacy. Key opportunities to increase funding and partnership across sectors include leveraging bilateral and multilateral investments for nutrition across development priorities while ensuring sound commitments within donor policies, focusing on engaging the private sector across the food value chain, mobilizing new resources from private funders through effective communication and outreach, and continuing to prioritize ongoing impact assessment across a range of interventions. Conclusions Understanding the current European and US landscape of nutrition stakeholders helps to inform efforts to scale the type of investments and partnership needed to make effective impacts on undernutrition globally. Turning the existing opportunities into results will require effective coordination, strong communication, and active participation across sectors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Auradian Marta ◽  
Utang Suwaryo ◽  
Affan Sulaeman ◽  
Leo Agustino

This article attempts to discuss the practice of democratic governance in contemporary Indonesia. This study is essential since Indonesia is one of the countries transitioning from authoritarianism towards democracy following the fall of Suharto’s regime. This study shall answer whether democratic governance in Indonesia experiences a crisis, with a focus of analysis on the four dimensions of democratic governance, namely: (1) rule of law, (2) human rights, (3) civil society, and (4) elections and political process. This study applies a qualitative method by collecting data from document studies and literary studies. The findings in this study indicate that democratic governance in Indonesia experiences a crisis as evidenced by the remaining-weak legal supremacy in Indonesia, and the existence of violations of the implementation of human rights, eventually led to horizontal conflicts. The inability of civil society organizations to carry out their functions in democratization as an intermediary between the community and the state as well as to influence government policies for the public interest. Another recent weakness is there are still strong issues related to primordialism in the occasion of General Elections. This crisis of democratic governance shall bring Indonesia to "the decline of democracy" instead of democratic consolidation.


Author(s):  
George Asekere

Political party vigilantism in Ghana has consistently been on the ascendency since the return to Constitutional rule in 1993. Their activities have usually been during and after elections across the country. By-elections in Atiwa, Akwatia, Chereponi, Talensi, Amenfi West and more recently Ayawaso West Wuogon, have all been marred by acts of violence. Ghana in 2017 recorded for the first time political party vigilante groups storming a courtroom in Kumasi and freeing some of their members standing trial after assaulting a regional security coordinator in the second largest region in the country – Ashanti region. The paper seeks to highlight the dangers inherent in this rather negative development which could reverse the gains Ghana has made in consolidating its democracy. The author relied on secondary data including relevant media publications and statements from civil society organizations, political parties and religious bodies on vigilantism in Ghana. Findings show that the seed of vigilantism has been sowed and allowed to be nurtured to the extent that the parties have taken uncompromising positions in ending the cancer because it borders on political power. A law has been passed but indications are that nothing much is changing. The National Peace Council has intervened yet there is no sign of lasting solution to the problem. The paper concludes that all stakeholders especially the civil society organizations and the religious bodies ought to be objective and bold to openly name and shame political parties whose members engage in negative acts of vigilantism and urge the masses to vote against such parties or else the phenomenon will persist and its ramifications will be disastrous.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 76
Author(s):  
Babayo Sule ◽  
Hamza Sule Wurobokki ◽  
Usman Sambo

International donor agencies are international organisations that operate globally and promote certain values such as democracy, good governance, conflict resolution, humanitarian aid and support and overall global agenda. This paper is an attempt to examine the role of international donor agencies in supporting electoral process in Nigeria from 1999 to 2015 particularly the missing links from the previous studies in terms of their activities in the country. The problem is the nature and method of operation of the international agencies in supporting elections in Nigeria which failed to achieve the desired result. The paper used a qualitative method of data analysis where primary and secondary sources were used. The in-depth interview was conducted with some selected senior officials from the international donors in Nigeria, INEC officials and civil societies in addition to academicians. The secondary source was the used of documented data and materials on the subject matter. The data obtained were analysed using simple statistical analysis such as tables and charts. The research discovered that international donor agencies did not impact much on financing of elections in Nigeria as the country is rich enough to finance her elections comfortably but, they contributed in the process through provisions of technical support to INEC staff, civil societies and weak groups but it was not adequate to ensure a transparent election in the country. The research recommends for a holistic approach that will avoid suspicion locally and be a community-driven and indigenous in nature by the donors to ensure success at the local level.


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (6) ◽  
pp. 69-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Afef Benessaieh

Extensive socio-ethnographic fieldwork among nongovernmental organizations, international donor agencies, and Church-related organizations in Chiapas, Mexico, suggests that global civil society—as an imagined terrain of transnational social action—can be viewed both as a site of expanded possibilities for social action and as a source of significant new constraints. It is a terrain where not all ideas and values are heard, promoted, or given legitimacy. There is, however, a transnationally resonant language into which Southern activists need to translate their issues and concerns if they wish to be heard.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-149
Author(s):  
Serik Beimenbetov

Abstract How do the post-Soviet countries differ in their regulatory approaches to organized civil society? This study provides a systematic and comprehensive assessment of relative differences and similarities in the regulation of civil society organizations in seven post-Soviet countries: Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, and Ukraine. Empirically, the study offers a regulatory index that makes it possible to map and compare relative differences and similarities between these countries’ regulatory approaches to civil society. The findings show that post-Soviet authoritarian countries do not use similar levels of repression against organized civil society. The study provides an account of how different political configurations explain relative differences in the extent to which post-Soviet authoritarian countries repress their respective civil societies.


2014 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Meyers ◽  
Elizabeth Lockwood

<p><span>The UNCRPD is unique amongst international rights instruments because it empowers civil society organizations to represent the rights-bearers themselves&mdash;persons with disabilities. As such, DPOs in the Global South have become a major concern for UN agencies and international NGOs who believe that grassroots disability associations need political advocacy training in order to take up their role as rights advocates. These expectations contain implicit assumptions regarding civil society-state relations and the existence of governmental capacity. The authors, however, hypothesize that not all civil societies will fit the rights advocacy model due to the political culture and public resources available within their respective, local communities. Disability movements in Nicaragua and Uruguay are compared and contrasted. In Nicaragua, a disability rights coalition dismisses many international expectations in favor for continuing to follow traditional civil society expectations to provide services. In Uruguay, a long history of high levels of social spending and disability organizing enabled DPOs to successfully advocate for progressive laws. The deaf community, however, decided to implement their own, separate advocacy strategies to ensure a fairer distribution of public resources. The authors conclude that rather than top-down civil society training, the international movement should allow local organizations set their own priorities.</span></p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 639-647
Author(s):  
Mengesha Robso Wodajo ◽  
Tănase Tasențe ◽  
Teshale Aklilu Gebretsadiq

The aim of this paper is to identify the major advantages and disadvantages of NGOs and Civil Societies in the post independent Africa. A note I want to give is the terms 'advantages' and 'disadvantages' should be understood in a sense that the paper is not evaluating the works of NGOs and Civil Society Organizations but pinpointing their benefits and side-effects to Africa. For that reason, the terms advantages and disadvantages can be interchangeably used by ‘benefits’ and ‘side-effects’ respectively. Another case I want to notify is the types of NGOs and Civil Society Organizations/Civil Societies that will be discussed throughout the paper are the entities found at the international level; not the national or local ones. This is due to the fact that the NGOs and CSOs(which were/are steered by the Western Europe and the USA) at the international level had/have the lion's share influences in the Third World in general and Africa in particular. Ultimately, although the topic of this paper is wide, it is presented in a short and precise volume, henceforth, all each of the advantages and disadvantages are not listed but few of them. So, I hope this small book will be used to produce a larger volume on the same topic.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-377
Author(s):  
Lydia A. Nkansah ◽  
Delali A. Gawu

There have been seven general elections, under Ghana's Fourth Republic, to elect presidents and members of parliament. There are laws regulating the electoral process and election results have generally been accepted and, in a few cases, challenged through the laid-down process. Elections in Ghana are nonetheless reportedly flawed with irregularities tainting the outcome and creating tensions and sometimes pockets of violence. This article examines the electoral process under Ghana's Fourth Republic, namely the adoption of regulations for each electoral cycle, voters’ registration and the voters’ register, nomination of aspirants, voting, counting of votes and declaration of the results. To ensure the integrity of the electoral process, the laws regulating elections should comply with the dictates of the procedural requirements of the rule of law and the Electoral Commission's actions must be consistent with these laws.


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