Political Dynasticism: Networks, Trust, Risk

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arild Engelsen Ruud ◽  
Kenneth Bo Nielsen

Political dynasticism is a persuasive phenomenon in South Asia. Yet, while political dynasticism has received ample attention at the national level, it has been almost systematically overlooked at the regional and local levels. In this article, we argue that political dynasticism at the local level is driven by conditions that are in crucial ways different from those that animate national politics. We use case studies and insights from the available literature both within and beyond South Asia to argue that, in a comparative light, three main elements stand out: reciprocity, trust, and failure. By zooming in on these elements we seek to explain political dynasticism as a political phenomenon that is enabled by particular conditions in the polity, and especially the nature of the state. These, we argue, help foment a dynamic within which political dynasticism is an understandable outcome.

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Preethi Krishnan ◽  
Mangala Subramaniam

Marginalized peoples’ struggle for subsistence rights in the neoliberal era has theoretical implications for understanding the role of the state in a globalized world. Variations in power exercised by state institutions at the local and national level have implications for the tactics that movements adopt. We examine the Right to Food Campaign in India, an informal network of organizations and individuals across local and national levels, which targets the state for entitlement to food. Using the interim orders of the Supreme Court in 2001, the campaign converted welfare initiatives for children into legal entitlements for access to nutritious food by holding state officials accountable at the local level; it also worked towards the enactment of the National Food Security Act of 2013. The campaign impacts local, national and global institutions, such as the WTO which expressed its disagreement with welfare provisions in the NFSA. Our analysis has three main implications. First, we note that the state is not a monolithic whole but comprises institutions at national and subnational levels (country, state, county or district, and village), all of which may not always work towards the same goal. Second, we argue that the state’s implementation of neoliberal policies that deny subsistence rights of the poor results in localized resistances that are linked to national and global protests. Third, a temporal lens on local and national politics is important to understanding the dynamics between local struggles and state institutions.More Info: Preethi Krishnan and Mangala Subramaniam


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
N'guessan Simon Andon ◽  
Kouadio Augustin Alla ◽  
Kouacou Jean-Marie Atta

The evolution of tropical forest deforestation in Côte d'Ivoire is very alarming. From 16 million hectares in 1900, the area increased to 9 million hectares in 1965 to less than 2.5 million hectares in 2016. Even forests protected by the State of Côte d'Ivoire are not spared while peri-urban protected forests are the most exposed. The finding reveals many shortcomings in the state monopoly of protected area management. Yet, elsewhere in Africa, many experiences of participatory management have shown significant advances in protection and their introduction in Côte d'Ivoire from 1990. To understand the effectiveness of this new consultation framework adopted as a management tool, national policies and locally adopted strategies on the Mount Korhogo classified forest in northern Côte d'Ivoire have been analyzed. Results show a failure of participation at the national level since 1996 and a lack of participation at the local level. Despite the establishment of a local committee for forest defense and fight against bush fires, the lack of consultation undermines the proper functioning of this organization, thus leading to the exacerbation of deforestation. Mount Korhogo Classified Forest.Keywords: participatory management, consultation framework, protected forest, urbanization, deforestation


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-106
Author(s):  
Abdullah Akhyar Nasution

As a basic necessity, the availability of foodstuffs requires the state to be involved in its fulfillment through regulation. In carrying out of the functions, the state also makes regulations on other aspects. That condition, sometimes, raises contradictory things at the stage of implementation, especially at the local level. Culturally, the system of the food supply of proteins sourced from buffalo practiced by many tribes in Indonesia including by the Gayo community in Gayo Lues District. In Gayo, the system of traditional buffalo farms is called Uwer. It is interesting to see how the food policy has contributed to the local cattle tradition. This is the problem in this study. As a preliminary study result, data on research gathered through work fields and literature studies. Results of the study showed that there are many food policies at the national level that directly or indirectly contribute to the existence of traditional livestock patterns including farms that are practiced by the Gayo community. On its development, the Gayo community has also made modifications to the Uwer system to response the social and cultural changes. If not accompanied by protection and conservation efforts, local buffalo livestock systems that reloaded with local wisdom values will potentially lose or abandoned by the public.AsbtrakSebagai kebutuhan dasar, ketersediaan bahan pangan mengharuskan negara terlibat dalam pemenuhannya yang diwujukan melalui regulasi. Hanya saja dalam menjalankan fungsinya negara juga membuat regulasi tentang aspek lainnya. Kondisi demikian, adakalanya memunculkan hal yang kontradiktif pada tahap implementasi terutama di tingkat lokal. Secara kultural, sistem penyediaan bahan pangan protein hewani bersumber dari kerbau telah dipraktekkan oleh banyak suku di Indonesia termasuk oleh masyarakat Gayo di Kabupaten Gayo Lues. Di Gayo, sistem peternakan kerbau tradisional disebut dengan uwer. Menjadi hal yang menarik melihat bagaimana kebijakan pangan yang ada ikut memengaruhi tradisi beternak di tingkat lokal. Inilah yang menjadi rumusan masalah dalam studi ini. Hasil studi awal memperlihatkan bahwa ada banyak regulasi pangan di tingkat nasional yang secara langsung maupun tidak langsung ikut mempengaruhi eksistensi pola peternakan tradisional termasuk peternakan yang dipraktekkan oleh masyarakat Gayo, yang dikenal dengan uwer. Dalam perkembangannya, masyarakat gayo juga melakukan modifikasi pada sistem uwer guna menyiasati perubahan sosidal dan budaya. Jika tidak dibarengi dengan upaya proteksi dan konservasi, sistem peternakan kerbau lokal yang sarat akan nilai-nilai kearifan lokal akan berpotensi hilang atau ditinggalkan oleh masyarakat.


1980 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julian Laite

For much of the twentieth century the Peruvian working-class has been limited in size and divided between different groups with divergent political objectives. Successive Peruvian governments have been able to capitalize on these features in their attempts to control the working-class, directly regulating workers' organizations or playing off one group against another. Yet, despite these limits and divisions, workers have on several occasions staged general strikes and pressured governments into taking account of their demands. Consequently, the political development of sectors of the working-class at the local level has been closely affected by political processes at the national level.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nihad El-Kayed ◽  
Ulrike Hamann

This article examines how state regulations, market barriers, racist discrimination as well as NGOs interact and create internal border regimes by enabling, as well as restricting, access to social and civil rights connected to housing and the freedom of movement and settlement for refugees. Our contribution builds on an analysis of federal and state regulations on housing for refugees who are either in the process of seeking asylum or have completed the process and have been granted an asylum status in Germany. The analysis aims to dissect the workings of these regulations in order to develop a detailed understanding of how these internal border regimes define barriers and access to social and civil rights. In addition to legal and regulatory barriers at the federal, state, and local levels, we identify several other barriers that affect if, how, and when refugees are able to enter local housing markets. We will examine these barriers based on an exemplary analysis of the situation in the cities of Berlin and Dresden, whereby we will apply concepts from border as well as citizenship studies to obtain a deeper understanding of the processes at hand. While contributions to the realm of border studies have so far mostly concentrated on national or EU borders, our approach follows recent literature that emphasises the need to analyse the workings of borders <em>internal to</em> nation-states but has so far not addressed local variations of the ways in which refugees are able to access their right to housing. In taking up this approach, we also stress the need to look at local dimensions of an increasing civic stratification of refugee rights, which past research has also conceptualised primarily on the national level. In both cities, we have collected administrative documents and conducted interviews with refugees, NGOs, and representatives from the local administration. Based on this material, we analyse the workings of administrative barriers at the state and local levels along with market barriers and discriminatory practices employed by landlords and housing companies at the local level. In most cases, these conditions restrict refugees’ access to housing. We will contrast these obstacles with insight into the strategies pursued by refugees and volunteers in their efforts to find a place to live in the city.


2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (5) ◽  
pp. 949-967 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yaffa Truelove

State quantifications of Delhi’s water supply proclaim some of the highest levels of access in urban South Asia. However, accompanying such representations are a number of discrepancies and ambiguities, suggesting an appearance of legibility is produced in the absence of data and key calculations. This paper examines the co-production of both knowledge and ignorance with regard to the city’s water, showing how their entanglement serves to powerfully shape both urban biopolitics and diffuse modalities of state power. First, I demonstrate that the appearance of legibility is maintained through fragmented measurement and bureaucratic practices that build material ambiguity into the system. Secondly, I examine the political, discursive and material effects of such illegibility, which include outcomes that are both arbitrary in nature (inadvertently allotting more water to one area versus another) and well as more deliberate (attributing blame for water wastage and loss to the very populations and urban spaces most excluded from the grid). Rather than a lack of intelligibility diminishing the powers of the state, the material ambiguity of Delhi’s waters furthers an everyday water politics of diffuse state power by which water is politicized at the local level while larger (infra)structural fixes are left off the table.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus Lederer ◽  
Linda Wallbott ◽  
Steffen Bauer

This article provides the introduction to a special issue on Green Economies in the Global South, that sheds light on the causes, complexities, consequences, and different practices of state engagement regarding national-level transitions from business as usual toward integrated economic, ecological, and social policies. Empirically, the special issue comprises four additional papers that open the black box of the state with a focus on state-society relations and the management of trade-offs in the fields of energy and land use politics in developing countries. This introduction guides these country cases with an analytical outline that builds on two specific sets of research questions: (a) Which change agents do have an impact on national politics, and why? What is the particular role of the state in developing and implementing Green Economy policies? (b) Which trade-offs and tensions occur between and within the economic, ecological, and social dimensions of a Green Economy approach? How are they addressed, by whom, and with which consequences?


Baltic Region ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-31
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Lanko ◽  
Irina S. Lantsova

This article explores the Estonian ‘integration’ project, which was launched in the early 1990s to bridge the differences between ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians by assimilating the latter with the former. Since the project will soon turn thirty, it is timely to ask whether it has been a success. This article employs Grigorii Golosov’s index of political party nationalization to understand whether the ‘integration’ project has helped to narrow the ideological divide between ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians. In other words, the study asks whether ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians vote for the same political parties in comparable proportions or there are ‘Estonian’ and ‘Russian’ parties in the country. The analysis of the outcomes of four local and four parliamentary elections that took place in Estonia in 2005—2019 shows that by the mid-2000s Estonia achieved a considerable level of political party system nationalization at both national and local levels. At the national level, political party system nationalization remained high in 2007—2019 despite significant changes in the country’s political party system. At the local level, however, political party system nationalization has been diminishing since 2013, leading one to conclude that the Estonian ‘integration’ project has failed to close the ideological divide between ethnic Estonians and ethnic Russians.


Author(s):  
José Rodrigues Filho ◽  
João Rodrigues dos Santos Junior

E-government has the potential to enhance democracy and transparency, increasing opportunities for citizen interaction. Literature has given many examples of successes and failures in its implementation, especially at the national level. Now, there are claims that the greatest opportunities for e-government are at the local level, because local governments have more contact with citizens. However, little attention has been paid to the highly bureaucratic and paternalistic government structures at local levels, and to how information and communication technologies (ICTs) may affect interaction and participation. Most of the literature fails to cover this relationship, and most of the time tries to emphasize just the technical obstacles instead of obstacles of a non-technical nature, such as political and bureaucratic barriers. In this study, an attempt is made to show that ICTs in municipal government in Brazil are designed in such a way that they resemble the traditional political structures, maintaining politics as usual and avoiding new forms of interaction and participation.


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