State Politics and NREGA I

Author(s):  
Rob Jenkins ◽  
James Manor

This chapter examines the politics of implementing the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act 2005 (NREGA) in the state of Rajasthan, where an important part of the movement which brought NREGA into being was born. The chapter analyses the results of a survey of NREGA workers in two of the state's districts, as well as findings from more extensive qualitative field research into the political dynamics that have shaped the program's character in various parts of Rajasthan. To place the findings in context, the chapter provides an overview of the state's political history, economic profile, developmental performance, and salient social cleavages. The analysis pays particular attention to efforts by social movement organizations to improve program performance, including through public protests, social audits of works projects, experiments with delivery mechanisms, and engagement with political parties, and senior elected officials and civil servants in the state government.

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Radhagobinda Basak

The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), 2005 was introduced in India to create employment opportunities for the rural people. As per the provisions of the said Act, the State Government shall, in rural areas in the state, provide to every household whose adult members volunteer to do unskilled manual work not less than one hundred days of such work in every financial year. The present study attempts to review the performance of the scheme implemented in different states of India. On the basis of some selected parameters, performance of the states, in implementing the Act, has been measured. Ranks have been assigned to the states according to their merit in implementing the scheme.


Author(s):  
Rob Jenkins ◽  
James Manor

This chapter analyses the implementation of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act 2005 (NREGA) in the state of Madhya Pradesh. The chapter reports on both quantitative (survey-based) and qualitative (interview-based) data conducted in the state. The strong movement organizations that played such a central role in the development of NREGA in Rajasthan were largely absent in Madhya Pradesh. The implications of NREGA for parties, clientelist politics, and voting behavior are also assessed. While Rajasthan experienced a change of party rule during the period studied (2008-2013), Madhya Pradesh did not – but neither this nor the variation in the strength of “movement” politics in the two states made a significant difference in the implementation of NREGA. Evidence from both states indicates that anxieties in the literature about civil society being “coopted” and losing autonomy when engaging cooperatively at times with governments are exaggerated.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 282-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahul Mukherji ◽  
Seyed Hossein Zarhani ◽  
K. Raju

This article argues that the Indian state can develop the capacity to deliver economic rights in a citizen-friendly way, despite serious challenges posed by patronage politics and clientelism. Clientelistic politics reveals why the Indian state fails to deliver the basic rights such as the right to work, health and education. We argue that the ability of the state to deliver owes a lot to bureaucratic puzzling and political powering over developmental ideas in a path-dependent way. We combine powering and puzzling within the state to argue the case for how these ideas tip after they have gained a fair amount of traction within the state. We test the powering and puzzling leading to a tipping point model on the implementation of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) in undivided Andhra Pradesh (AP). How and why did undivided AP develop the capacity to make reach employment to the rural poor, when many other states failed to implement the right to work in India?


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Khundrakpam Romenkumar Singh

Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) is demand driven , self targeting employment generating poverty alleviation scheme which was launched by the UPA government in 2005 with full of hope to eradicate the problems of poverty and unemployment in the rural areas of India by targeting to provide at least 100 days of employment at each rural households. It is the only employment-generating programme, that a beneficiary can claim legally. The scheme was introduced in Manipur in the year 2008 with lot of hope to minimise the problem of poverty and unemployment in the state but after the eight years of implementation, the programme failed to deliver the expectations the people had on it. In this paper, an assessment of the performance of MGNREGS in Manipur of the year 2015-16 has been made.


Author(s):  
Neha Wasal

National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) aimed at providing direct employment to the deserving rural people has been in operation for last many years. The present study had conducted to assess the role of NREGA programme with the following specific objectives: (i) To study socio-economic profile of the beneficiaries of NREGA (ii) To assess the contribution of NREGA in socio-economic development of its beneficiaries (iii) To identify the factors of success and failure (iv) To render suitable suggestions for further improvement in the NREGA programme. Research gap of this study was to analyze the profitability of social programmes being initiated by governments. Results showed Socio-economic profile of the respondents that most of the respondents were male, in the middle age group, hailing from Schedule Caste category and were having little education and low income level. The profile of beneficiaries of NREGA programme indicated that the benefits of this programme is going to the deserving people. Rural connectivity (repair of roads etc.), village cleanliness, plantation were the major areas in which the NREGA beneficiaries worked under the supervision of a Mate. The village Sarpanch proved to be the major person who made aware to the beneficiary and helped them to get employment under this programme. On an average beneficiary of NREGA got employment for 15 days in a month. All the beneficiaries of the NREGA programme got prescribed wage i.e. Rs.123 per day which was paid timely to the respondents. 1/5th of the respondents held that dependency on the farmers had reduced after joining NREGA programme and also wage rate had increased in other activities in villages due to the arrival of NREGA programme. 38 per cent of the respondents opined that NREGA activities helped them to remove idleness whereas 25 per cent of respondents felt more social recognized after joining NREGA. Overall the launching of NREGA programme had increased the demand for labour in rural areas. The non beneficiary of NREGA programme did not join the NREGA largely due to social inhibition (not ready to do labour in own village), low wage rate and irregularity of work. Irregular grants and work opportunities, less wage rate were the major constrains experienced by the beneficiaries of NREGA. Regularity in grants, generating adequate employment opportunity may prove more useful for NREGA beneficiary and society at large.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haris Malamidis

Social Movements and Solidarity Structures in Crisis-Ridden Greece explores the rich grassroots experience of social movements in Greece between 2008 and 2016. The harsh conditions of austerity triggered the rise of vibrant mobilizations that went hand-in-hand with the emergence of numerous solidarity structures, providing unofficial welfare services to the suffering population. Based on qualitative field research conducted in more than 50 social movement organizations in Greece’s two major cities, the book offers an in-depth analysis of the contentious mechanisms that led to the development of such solidarity initiatives. By analyzing the organizational structure, resources and identity of markets without middlemen, social and collective kitchens, organizations distributing food parcels, social clinics and self-managed cooperatives, this study explains the enlargement of boundaries of collective action in times of crisis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (6) ◽  
pp. 1796-1817 ◽  
Author(s):  
NAYANIKA MATHUR

AbstractThis article studies corruption in India through an ethnographic elaboration of practices that are colloquially discussed as the ‘eating of money’ (paisa khana) in northern India. It examines both the discourse and practice of eating money in the specific context of the implementation of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005 (NREGA). The article works through two central paradoxes that emerge in the study of corruption and the state. The first paradox relates to the corruption–transparency dyad. The ethnography presented shows clearly that the difficulties in the implementation of NREGA arose directly out of the transparency requirements of the statute, which were impeding the traditional eating of money. Instead of corruption being the villain it turns out that, in this particular context, it was its categorical Other—transparency—that was to blame. The second and related paradox emerges from an ethnographic examination of the processes and things through which development performance, corruption, and transparency are established and adjudged in the contemporary Indian state. Corrupt state practices and transparent state functioning are authoritatively proclaimed through an assessment of evidence—material proof in the form of paper—that is constructed by the Indian state itself. The push for transparency in India at the moment is not only leading to an excessive focus on the production of these paper truths but, more dangerously, is also deflecting attention away from what is described as the ‘real’ (asli) life of welfare programmes. Ultimately, this article contends that we need to eschew treating corruption as an explanatory trope for the failure of development in India. Instead of devising ever-more punitive auditing regimes to stem the leakages of the Indian state, this work suggests that we need a clearer understanding of what the state really is; how—and through which material substances—it functions and demonstrates evidence of its accomplishments.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-160
Author(s):  
Christophe Jaffrelot

In the 2009 and 2014 elections, the poorer the voters were, the less BJP-oriented they were too. The situation changed in 2019, when the prime minister appeared to be equally popular among all the strata of society, including the poor. Modi’s massive appeal to the poor is counterintuitive given the weakening of pro-poor policies like the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act and the elitist character of BJP. If class has lost some of its relevance for explaining the results of the 2019 elections, caste is showing some resilience, not as aggregates in the garb of OBCs or SCs, but as jatis at the state level. In spite of the BJP’s claim that the party’s ideology was alien to any consideration which may divide the nation, its strategists have meticulously studied caste equations at the local level in order to select the right candidates. This caste-based strategy partly explains the above-mentioned class element as the small OBC and Dalit jatis that the BJP has wooed are often among the poorest—and upper caste poor vote more for BJP than their co-ethnic rich anyway.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
Rahul Mukherji ◽  
Seyed Hossein Zarhani

How can clientelistic politics be transformed into programmatic politics in a subnational state with a well-recorded history of patronage politics? We explore institutional pathways away from clientelism by systematically explicating clientelistic propensities with programmatic citizen-oriented ones in undivided Andhra Pradesh. This paper engages with a paradigm shift in policy from clientelistic to programmatic service delivery in rural development by exploring three major rural welfare programmes in undivided Andhra Pradesh: need-based redistribution, evolution of self-help groups and implementation of the right to work in India through the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) scheme. We argue that the capacity of the state to deliver owes a great deal to bureaucratic puzzling and political powering over developmental ideas. We combine powering and puzzling within the state to argue the case for how these ideas tip after evolving in a path-dependent way.


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (6) ◽  
pp. 1073-1089
Author(s):  
Hugo Fanton Ribeiro da Silva

Abstract This article uses a case study to analyze the actions of ruling classes and social movement organizations in urban politics. The study observes these groups’ disputes and interactions with the state, and how different strategies, actions, and political projects of the subaltern classes have influenced the orientation of urban development. In a broad time-scale approach, the article discusses relations of hegemony, the process of institutionalization of movements, disputes in society and within the state, and the heterogeneity of the political projects that guide the subaltern classes.


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