Indonesia’s Global Maritime Fulcrum: From Hedging to Underbalancing

Author(s):  
Edna Caroline

This article examines why Indonesia’s vision of the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) was not properly developed in accordance to its strategic response to the increased rivalry between China and the USA in the Asia-Pacific region. Although the GMF initially focussed on achieving domestic agendas, Indonesia’s implicit intention is to utilise the GMF as a hedge in order to strengthen economic cooperation with China while keeping the USA engaged in the region’s security architecture. My article seeks to go beyond the existing literature’s employment of primarily structural realist analysis to understand Indonesia’s strategic behaviour by applying a neoclassical realist approach to Indonesia’s case, which better demonstrates current conditions exhibiting how conflicting elite interests generate political discord which in turn hinders the state’s ability to extract and mobilise domestic resources, ultimately hampering Indonesia’s ability to achieve its GMF goals. Although certain threats and opportunities within the international system have manifested themselves to actively encourage the proper implementation of GMF, this strategy remains underdeveloped since the time of its launch. Neoclassical realism provides a better explanation that enhances our understanding of how Indonesia assesses and responds to its strategic environment.

Author(s):  
Valeria V. Vershinina ◽  

In the recent decades despite the existing broad network of the multilateral security formats in the Asia-Pacific region a high level of conflicts and old disputes remain, while non-military security challenges and threats are becoming more complicated. Among the most well-known are the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and the East Asian Summit (EAS). Nevertheless, given the increasing destabilization in the region, one can state that the above-mentioned formats proved ineffective and as a result, new solutions need to be found. One of such possible solutions is an initiative proposed by Vietnam to create a new format known as ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting Plus (ADMM+).


2000 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 413
Author(s):  
Robin Ramcharan ◽  
Stanley B. Weeks ◽  
Charles A. Meconis

Author(s):  
A. N. Fedorovsky

Analyses of modern trade and economic relations in Asia-Pacific region. Research of the roles of the United States of America and China under the conditions of protectionism initiated by the D. Tramp’s administration and stagnation of mega-projects. Crisis of leadership and role of USA and China in regional mega-project (APEC, TPP, RCPEC). Ability of the USA and the PRC to create regional economic priorities, as well as to determine the course of integration processes. Analysis of the main obstacles of realization of American and Chinese leadership potential. Regional integration project initiated by Japan, India and the Republic of Korea and prospects for Indo-Pacific Asia. China-USA competition and main trends of regional integration. Comparative study of opportunitiesand prospects for bilateral and mega-regional economic projects. As an example, observation of South Korean initiative “New Economic Map” is presented and analyzed. Role of “New Economic Forum” initiated by Bloomberg with support of global big business is examined also. Initiative of Indo-Pacific region, Japan-India economic cooperation are examined, as well as Washington policy to counterweight China foreign economic and political expansion. Analyzing of prospects and consequences of competition between USA and the PRC in Pacific regions. Main issues, opportunities and challenges of Russia’s economic expansion in Asia-Pacific region. Close interconnection between policy, security and economiccooperation in the region: influence on Russia’s Pacific priorities and diplomacy. Characteristics of some problems of Russian “East Policy” during last several years. Some arguments are presented in favor of Russia’s strategy of “policy of focused partnerships”. This kind of policy means prevail of business activity in some special projects as well as in some geographic areas. It is also stressed that it is in Russia’s long-run interests to use of all kind of diplomatic measures in order to minimize any attempts to oppose India to China. But try its best to support cooperation between Russia, China and India in Pacific, as well as in Indo-Pacific region. 


Author(s):  
Aleksandr Panov

The article analyses the main actions of Washington in Asia-Pacific region in a first year of the presidency of Joe Biden. This analyses allows to formulate several conclusions about conception and concrete approaches of a new administration to strategy of the USA in APR as well as to relations with main countries of the region and conclusion about differences from asia-pacific policy of previous administration. First, when president D. Trump did not take into account opinion of experts on asia-pacific problems, Joe Biden organized a team of an experienced and authoritative specialists on regional problems, as well as on relations with the most important regional states. Second, while sharing in general the course of the predecessor concerning policy towards China and regard China as a main threat to political, economic and military interests of the USA, Joe Biden shifted and accent from pressure on Beijung on trade-economic problems toward creation of the «containment ring» around China using formation of alliances and unions of countries, which are sharing the position of Washington about growing chinese threat. Third, White house unleashed active ideological counteraction against chinese political, social and economic system, against attempts of Beijing to export its model of «socialism under leadership of communist party», first of all, to developing countries. Finally, through administration of Joe Biden is revealing growing concern about rise of military might of China and about possibility using force against Taiwan, in the end of 2021 year there are started to appear signs of departure from originally determination to secure a containment of Beijing by using making pressure and intentions to lower the degree of tension in american-chinese relations by attempts to reach an agreement about «rules of behavior», about «management of intense competition».  


Author(s):  
Irina V. Gordeeva

The article is devoted to an important and topical issue - the advancement by the new American administration of an offensive strategy in the Asia-Pacific region (APR), aimed at ensuring the leading role in the region of the United States and its allies and applying, if necessary, the use of force. This strategy has led to a serious shift in the overall situation in the region and to rising tensions. The main target of this strategy is China, which is claimed to be "the only competitor capable of presenting a real challenge to a stable and open international system". On the one hand, China in recent years has become an important economical partner to the countries of the APR, but its rapid growth and “assertive policy undermining existing status-quo” raised, as it stated by Washington and Tokyo,great anxiety.  A special role in the U.S. policy is given to Japan, which has taken a course towards further strengthening the Japanese-American alliance and enhancing its role in the affairs inthe region and on the world stage. The concept of a "Free and Open Indo-Pacific region" (FOIP) has been put forward by Washington and Tokyo, as their central strategic doctrine. An important component of this policy is a significant build-up of military efforts by these countries in the APR - in the context of the confrontation with Beijing. Although the situation is reallydangerous and the parties will have to reckon with new circumstances, carefully calibrating their actions, however, each of them, as expected, will try to avoid a direct armed clash that could have unpredictable consequences.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-60
Author(s):  
Nori Katagiri

Abstract While the Obama administration’s Asia rebalance strategy received some praise from scholars and practitioners, it generated three problems that caused the USA to overlook many opportunities and neglect vital concerns. First, the strategy left Asia less stable by undermining US relations with China and smaller states in Southeast Asia. Secondly, it weakened America’s influence outside Asia by committing fewer resources. Finally, the rebalance was executed out of a relatively small cadre of government officials, allowing primarily civilian agencies to dictate Asia policy and excluding key branches of government. Furthermore, although the strategy competed with the strategies of restraint and offshore balancing, it never had the solid support of any international relations theories, leaving few scholars to directly associate it with a theory. Ultimately, the rebalance’s multiple logics prevented it from achieving intellectual hegemony in the American foreign policy discourse, and its substantive flaws and theoretical inconsistencies made difficult its acceptance as an enduring strategy in the Asia-Pacific region.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenji Oda ◽  
Wakako Yonetake ◽  
Takeshi Fujii ◽  
Andrew Hodge ◽  
Robert H. Six ◽  
...  

Abstract Background Haemaphysalis longicornis is the major tick affecting dogs in most of the East Asia/Pacific region and has recently been detected in a number of areas of the USA. This tick is a vector for a number of pathogens of dogs, other mammals and humans. In this study, the efficacy of a single oral administration of sarolaner (Simparica®, Zoetis) at the minimum label dosage (2 mg/kg) was evaluated against an existing infestation of H. longicornis and subsequent weekly reinfestations for 5 weeks after treatment. Methods Sixteen dogs were ranked on pretreatment tick counts and randomly allocated to treatment on Day 0 with sarolaner at 2 mg/kg or a placebo. The dogs were infested with H. longicornis nymphs on Days − 2, 5, 12, 19, 26 and 33. Efficacy was determined at 48 hours after treatment and subsequent re-infestations based on live tick counts relative to placebo-treated dogs. Results There were no adverse reactions to treatment. A single dose of sarolaner provided 100% efficacy on Days 2, 7, 14 and 21; and ≥ 97.4% efficacy on Days 28 and 35. Considering only attached, live ticks, efficacy was 100% for the entire 35 days of the study. Geometric mean live tick counts for sarolaner were significantly lower than those for placebo on all days (11.62 ≤ t(df) ≤ 59.99, where 13.0 ≤ df ≤ 14.1, P < 0.0001). Conclusions In this study, a single oral administration of sarolaner at 2 mg/kg provided 100% efficacy against an existing infestation of H. longicornis nymphs and ≥ 97.4% efficacy (100% against attached ticks) against weekly reinfestation for at least 35 days after treatment.


Sexualities ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 143-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vera Mackie

The term ‘sexual citizenship’ was largely developed in the Anglophone capitalist liberal democracies of the UK, the USA, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. The concept is thus inflected by broader understandings of politics in these places. In this article, the author first considers the specificities of ‘sexuality’ and ‘citizenship’ in these Anglophone capitalist liberal democracies. She argues that we need to provincialize these local understandings, for configurations of sexuality and citizenship in the UK, North America, New Zealand or Australia are just as contingent and locally specific as they are in the Asia-Pacific region. She then considers whether the term ‘sexual citizenship’ can be transplanted into places in the Asia-Pacific region with different political and economic systems, welfare systems and social structures, distinctive cultural understandings of sexuality and citizenship and different taxonomies of sexes, genders and sexualities.


Author(s):  
S. Starkin ◽  
I. Ryzhov

The purpose of current article is to analyze current foreign policy of USA in Asian region, which are widely defined by US politicians as the “reversal” to Asia. The key-elements of this strategy include noticeable military presence, regular military exercises, geopolitical expansion from the Pacific to the Indian Ocean, as well as preservation of American leadership and containment of growing China`s influence inside the region. Later the policy transformed into the so-called Pivot, which means a significant increase in diplomatic, economic and strategic U.S. investment in Asia Pacific. While conducting its new political line Barack Obama`s administration initiated U.S. participation in different geopolitical issues of the Asia-Pacific region, such as the issue of the South China Sea, dispute over Chinese dams on Mekong River and so on. Obama’s initiatives are considered by China as U.S. interference into regional affairs. Moreover, many politicians and experts predict that "Georgian scenario" could repeat in the region. This will lead to deterioration of multilateral relations due to increased presence of USA inside Asia-Pacific. Analyzing the American approaches to formation of the regional security architecture the authors come to the conclusion that US administration aims to contain China in the Indo-Pacific geostrategic area. In mid-term, this policy provokes aggravation of a number of disturbing trends in the region. Basically, it becomes less stable and integrated. Apparently, US policy will lead to further deterioration of relations between USA and China. Under such circumstances, Russia should conduct cautious maneuvering between the two poles of power and stick to a policy of non-interference.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document