The Armed Forces of the USA in the Asia-Pacific Region

2000 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 413
Author(s):  
Robin Ramcharan ◽  
Stanley B. Weeks ◽  
Charles A. Meconis
Author(s):  
A. N. Fedorovsky

Analyses of modern trade and economic relations in Asia-Pacific region. Research of the roles of the United States of America and China under the conditions of protectionism initiated by the D. Tramp’s administration and stagnation of mega-projects. Crisis of leadership and role of USA and China in regional mega-project (APEC, TPP, RCPEC). Ability of the USA and the PRC to create regional economic priorities, as well as to determine the course of integration processes. Analysis of the main obstacles of realization of American and Chinese leadership potential. Regional integration project initiated by Japan, India and the Republic of Korea and prospects for Indo-Pacific Asia. China-USA competition and main trends of regional integration. Comparative study of opportunitiesand prospects for bilateral and mega-regional economic projects. As an example, observation of South Korean initiative “New Economic Map” is presented and analyzed. Role of “New Economic Forum” initiated by Bloomberg with support of global big business is examined also. Initiative of Indo-Pacific region, Japan-India economic cooperation are examined, as well as Washington policy to counterweight China foreign economic and political expansion. Analyzing of prospects and consequences of competition between USA and the PRC in Pacific regions. Main issues, opportunities and challenges of Russia’s economic expansion in Asia-Pacific region. Close interconnection between policy, security and economiccooperation in the region: influence on Russia’s Pacific priorities and diplomacy. Characteristics of some problems of Russian “East Policy” during last several years. Some arguments are presented in favor of Russia’s strategy of “policy of focused partnerships”. This kind of policy means prevail of business activity in some special projects as well as in some geographic areas. It is also stressed that it is in Russia’s long-run interests to use of all kind of diplomatic measures in order to minimize any attempts to oppose India to China. But try its best to support cooperation between Russia, China and India in Pacific, as well as in Indo-Pacific region. 


Author(s):  
Aleksandr Panov

The article analyses the main actions of Washington in Asia-Pacific region in a first year of the presidency of Joe Biden. This analyses allows to formulate several conclusions about conception and concrete approaches of a new administration to strategy of the USA in APR as well as to relations with main countries of the region and conclusion about differences from asia-pacific policy of previous administration. First, when president D. Trump did not take into account opinion of experts on asia-pacific problems, Joe Biden organized a team of an experienced and authoritative specialists on regional problems, as well as on relations with the most important regional states. Second, while sharing in general the course of the predecessor concerning policy towards China and regard China as a main threat to political, economic and military interests of the USA, Joe Biden shifted and accent from pressure on Beijung on trade-economic problems toward creation of the «containment ring» around China using formation of alliances and unions of countries, which are sharing the position of Washington about growing chinese threat. Third, White house unleashed active ideological counteraction against chinese political, social and economic system, against attempts of Beijing to export its model of «socialism under leadership of communist party», first of all, to developing countries. Finally, through administration of Joe Biden is revealing growing concern about rise of military might of China and about possibility using force against Taiwan, in the end of 2021 year there are started to appear signs of departure from originally determination to secure a containment of Beijing by using making pressure and intentions to lower the degree of tension in american-chinese relations by attempts to reach an agreement about «rules of behavior», about «management of intense competition».  


Author(s):  
Edna Caroline

This article examines why Indonesia’s vision of the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) was not properly developed in accordance to its strategic response to the increased rivalry between China and the USA in the Asia-Pacific region. Although the GMF initially focussed on achieving domestic agendas, Indonesia’s implicit intention is to utilise the GMF as a hedge in order to strengthen economic cooperation with China while keeping the USA engaged in the region’s security architecture. My article seeks to go beyond the existing literature’s employment of primarily structural realist analysis to understand Indonesia’s strategic behaviour by applying a neoclassical realist approach to Indonesia’s case, which better demonstrates current conditions exhibiting how conflicting elite interests generate political discord which in turn hinders the state’s ability to extract and mobilise domestic resources, ultimately hampering Indonesia’s ability to achieve its GMF goals. Although certain threats and opportunities within the international system have manifested themselves to actively encourage the proper implementation of GMF, this strategy remains underdeveloped since the time of its launch. Neoclassical realism provides a better explanation that enhances our understanding of how Indonesia assesses and responds to its strategic environment.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-60
Author(s):  
Nori Katagiri

Abstract While the Obama administration’s Asia rebalance strategy received some praise from scholars and practitioners, it generated three problems that caused the USA to overlook many opportunities and neglect vital concerns. First, the strategy left Asia less stable by undermining US relations with China and smaller states in Southeast Asia. Secondly, it weakened America’s influence outside Asia by committing fewer resources. Finally, the rebalance was executed out of a relatively small cadre of government officials, allowing primarily civilian agencies to dictate Asia policy and excluding key branches of government. Furthermore, although the strategy competed with the strategies of restraint and offshore balancing, it never had the solid support of any international relations theories, leaving few scholars to directly associate it with a theory. Ultimately, the rebalance’s multiple logics prevented it from achieving intellectual hegemony in the American foreign policy discourse, and its substantive flaws and theoretical inconsistencies made difficult its acceptance as an enduring strategy in the Asia-Pacific region.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenji Oda ◽  
Wakako Yonetake ◽  
Takeshi Fujii ◽  
Andrew Hodge ◽  
Robert H. Six ◽  
...  

Abstract Background Haemaphysalis longicornis is the major tick affecting dogs in most of the East Asia/Pacific region and has recently been detected in a number of areas of the USA. This tick is a vector for a number of pathogens of dogs, other mammals and humans. In this study, the efficacy of a single oral administration of sarolaner (Simparica®, Zoetis) at the minimum label dosage (2 mg/kg) was evaluated against an existing infestation of H. longicornis and subsequent weekly reinfestations for 5 weeks after treatment. Methods Sixteen dogs were ranked on pretreatment tick counts and randomly allocated to treatment on Day 0 with sarolaner at 2 mg/kg or a placebo. The dogs were infested with H. longicornis nymphs on Days − 2, 5, 12, 19, 26 and 33. Efficacy was determined at 48 hours after treatment and subsequent re-infestations based on live tick counts relative to placebo-treated dogs. Results There were no adverse reactions to treatment. A single dose of sarolaner provided 100% efficacy on Days 2, 7, 14 and 21; and ≥ 97.4% efficacy on Days 28 and 35. Considering only attached, live ticks, efficacy was 100% for the entire 35 days of the study. Geometric mean live tick counts for sarolaner were significantly lower than those for placebo on all days (11.62 ≤ t(df) ≤ 59.99, where 13.0 ≤ df ≤ 14.1, P < 0.0001). Conclusions In this study, a single oral administration of sarolaner at 2 mg/kg provided 100% efficacy against an existing infestation of H. longicornis nymphs and ≥ 97.4% efficacy (100% against attached ticks) against weekly reinfestation for at least 35 days after treatment.


Sexualities ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 143-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vera Mackie

The term ‘sexual citizenship’ was largely developed in the Anglophone capitalist liberal democracies of the UK, the USA, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. The concept is thus inflected by broader understandings of politics in these places. In this article, the author first considers the specificities of ‘sexuality’ and ‘citizenship’ in these Anglophone capitalist liberal democracies. She argues that we need to provincialize these local understandings, for configurations of sexuality and citizenship in the UK, North America, New Zealand or Australia are just as contingent and locally specific as they are in the Asia-Pacific region. She then considers whether the term ‘sexual citizenship’ can be transplanted into places in the Asia-Pacific region with different political and economic systems, welfare systems and social structures, distinctive cultural understandings of sexuality and citizenship and different taxonomies of sexes, genders and sexualities.


Author(s):  
A. Kazantsev ◽  
S. Medvedeva

The article contains prognosis of development of local human civilizations in the regions of world neighboring to Russia (Europe, Islamic world, Asia-Pacific region). This issue is analyzed from the point of view of proliferation of norms within the system of international relations, which is the process playing a key role from the point of view of guaranteeing robustness of this system. The main conclusion of the paper is that the speed of norm proliferation within the system of international relations in the 21 century will be checked by a set of factors. First, the dynamic of development of Europe and the USA indicates a clear tendency towards decrease of unifying potential that has appeared originally as a result of influence of the Western world towards other local human civilizations. Second, the study of development of Islamic civilization indicates that there is a significant potential of rejection of unification of norms within the system of international relations. Third, analysis of the group of local human civilizations existing in the Asia-Pacific region demonstrates that economic development of this region is accompanied by formation of ideas about cultural norms alternative to Europe-centric world.


Author(s):  
Амир Александрович ХИСАМУТДИНОВ

From editorial: Professor Khisamutdinov recalls participating in the Fletcher School in Vladivostok in 1990, the materials of which are published in this issue. The author speaks very warmly about John C. Perry, a professor at the Fletcher School. Professor Khisamutdinov recalls the establishment of non-governmental relations between the USSR and the USA in the late 80s, the great participation of university teachers and scientists in this matter. The range of issues discussed at the Fletcher School was very broad and focused on the study of contacts and contact zones in the Asia-Pacific region, as well as the role of Russia and Vladivostok in establishing and maintaining these contacts. The work of the Fletcher School in Vladivostok coincided with the beginning of a new political era in the life of Russia, and allowed researchers and intellectuals in the USSR to become more familiar with the views of their American colleagues.


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