scholarly journals Destructive reconstruction in China: interpreting authenticity in the Shuidong Reconstruction Project, Huizhou, Guangdong Province

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zilin Yang

AbstractIn the name of conservation, many local governments in China have demolished and reconstructed their historic districts using pseudo-antique architecture as part of their commercial developments. While the destructive reconstruction practice involves issues such as who plays the decisive role in defining authenticity in the targeted district considering the creativity and imagination entailed in reconstruction, few studies analyse the factors leading to changes in the interpretation of authenticity throughout the destructive reconstruction process. Through a discourse analysis on project portfolios and semi-structured interviews with government officials, project planners and Shuidong residents, this study investigates the interpretation and implementation of the national-level authenticity principles in the Shuidong Reconstruction Project in Huizhou, Guangdong Province. Narratives of authenticity in local heritage practices are constantly changing because of the shifting local politics and regulatory powers involved. The effectiveness of national-level authenticity principles at the local level relies largely on the establishment of sub-national heritage regulations and the authorisation of heritage, which draws inspections from upper-level administrations. This study reveals certain socio-political factors that affect the relationship between reconstruction practices and the interpretation of authenticity. The political and profit-oriented tendency of local heritage conservation practices in China demonstrates the mismatch between conservation ideologies and bureaucratic realities.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Conor O'Dwyer ◽  
Matthew Stenberg

Abstract Aspiring dominant-party regimes often institute major institutional and political reforms at the national level to ensure they retain control. However, subnational politics is an important, under-studied, component of regime consolidation. This study uses mayoral races in Hungary and Poland from 2006 to 2018 to examine two factors that may inhibit dominant-party regime consolidation in local politics: the use of two-round, i.e. runoff, electoral systems and strategic coordination among opposition parties. While we find little evidence that strategic coordination can lead to widespread opposition success in single-round systems, we do find that increasing the number of candidates decreases the likelihood of the nationally dominant party winning in the first round while not affecting the second round. As such, two-round mayoral elections may be an important buffer to dominant-party regime consolidation and may provide a training ground for the future opposition.


2013 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sri Lestari Wahyuningroem

The article examines both civil society initiatives that seek to address the mass violence of 1965 and 1966 and the state's responses to them. Unlike other political-transition contexts in the world, a transitional justice approach is apparently a formula that state authorities have found difficult to implement nationally for this particular case. The central government has, through its institutions, sporadically responded to some of the calls from civil society groups and has even initiated policy reforms to support such initiatives. Nevertheless, these responses were not sustained and any suggested programmes have always failed to be completed or implemented. Simultaneously, however, NGOs and victims are also voicing their demands at the local level. Many of their initiatives involve not only communities but also local authorities, including in some cases the local governments. In some aspects, these “bottom-up” approaches are more successful than attempts to create change at the national level. Such approaches challenge what Kieran McEvoy refers to as an innate “seductive” quality of transitional justice, but at the same time these approaches do, in fact, aim to “seduce” the state to adopt measures for truth and justice.


2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-159
Author(s):  
Ian Roper ◽  
David Etherington ◽  
Suzan Lewis

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to consider the resilience of a national-level initiative (Improving Working Lives (IWL)) in the face of local-level initiative (Turnaround) in an NHS hospital and compare to Bach and Kessler’s (2012) model of public service employment relations. Design/methodology/approach Case study research consisting of 23 in-depth semi-structured interviews from a range of participants. Findings The principles behind IWL were almost entirely sacrificed in order to meet the financial objectives of Turnaround. This indicates the primacy of localised upstream performance management initiatives over the national-level downstream employee relations initiatives that form the basis of the NHS’ claim to model employer aspiration. Research limitations/implications The case study was conducted between 2007 and 2009. While the case study falls under previous government regime, the dualised system of national-level agreements combined with localised performance management – and the continued existence of both Turnaround and IWL – makes the results relevant at the time of writing. Originality/value Some studies (e.g. Skinner et al., 2004) indicated a perception that IWL was not trusted by NHS staff. The present study offers reasons as to why this may be the case.


2009 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 611-618 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Trounstine

The study of local politics has been relegated to the periphery of political science and many explanations have been offered for the marginalization of the subfield. I offer three related arguments for why scholars should revisit the study of sub-state politics. First, the local level is the source of numerous political outcomes that matter because they represent a large proportion of political events in the United States. Secondly, there are methodological advantages to studying local politics. Finally, analyzing politics at the sub-state level can generate thoroughly different kinds of questions than a purely national-level focus and can offer different answers to questions that apply more generally. Research on local politics can and should contribute to broader debates in political science and ensure that we understand both how and why cities are unique.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 161-169
Author(s):  
Anif Fatma Chawa

This article aims to illustrate the role of government in the implementation of CSR in the extractive industries. The extractive industries need support from the government to resolve various problems which have emerged in conducting their CSR. These problems have arisen because of the contradiction and tension in the role or framework of business communities of the extractive industries, as an economic and social agent. To address those problems, based on a structural functional perspective, the extractive industries need other institution primarily government to establish policies or regulations in conducting their CSR. This study employs systemic review method reviewing 70 journal articles of research studies which focus on the implementation of CSR in the extractive industries in Indonesia. This study found that government has an important role to stipulate several regulations mostly at a national level. The regulations require the extractive industries to implement CSR to specifically address various negative impacts, socially, culturally and environmentally, on the affected communities. This study, however, also found that there is insufficient guideline at a local level in relation to CSR. Consequently, the extractive industries have no guidelines in how to establish their CSR activities, to what extend they should involve the local communities as well as the local governments in these activities and to address various problems which have emerged in the implementation of CSR. The lack of guidelines has also given rise to the different perception of the local governments on how they should be involved in the implementation of CSR.


2021 ◽  
pp. 187936652110685
Author(s):  
David Siegel

During the 1990s, a conventional wisdom emerged, based on literature going back decades, that political decentralization might be among the most effective forces for democratization. If ordinary people could participate in autonomous local governments, democracy would be built from the ground up, ultimately shaping the entire political system. Once decentralization reforms were implemented across the world, however, the results were disappointing. Authoritarianism not only thrived at the local level, it could also undermine democratization at the national level. Thus, local-national transference still held, but sometimes as a poison. In this context, the case of post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan is an anomaly. Here, the relative success of political decentralization—rather than its failure—nevertheless failed to spur democratization at the national level. I argue that this is because decentralization allowed national authorities to appease international donors while they consolidated their own power. Moreover, while decentralization empowered local communities, it did so in ways that personalized local authority and pitted local and national authorities against one another, resulting in intense localism and antagonistic center-local relations that undermined any democratic transference. The case study findings are based on ten months of field research, which includes interviews with local and national officials, ordinary villagers, and representatives of NGOs and international organizations.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Annie Saofaiga Toailoa

<p>Coastal communities within Pacific Island Countries (PIC) are vulnerable due to the rising and volatile nature of the sea as a result of climate change. Adaptation strategies and community-based approaches have increasingly been advocated for by environmental organisations, policy makers and researchers. Community-based approaches have, in turn, begun to promote the values of meaningful community engagement and integration of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) into adaptation planning. This research explores the extent to which community engagement and TEK is utilised at both the national and local level adaptation planning in Samoa. An assessment of policies and plans assesses the national level context, whilst the community level context was explored through a study of the coastal village of Tafitoala.  A qualitative approach is employed in which semi-structured interviews were used to collect the perspectives of community members, government personnel, and Non-governmental Organisations (NGO) staff to provide a range of viewpoints.  Using Samoa as my case study, the research findings demonstrated that community ideologies and values, and community governance structures determine the efficacy of adaptation programmes. Findings also emphasised that although there is a vast amount of TEK used within local communities, documentation and verification of TEK is required in order for it be integrated more effectively into adaptation planning. Whilst the need for meaningful community engagement had already been identified by government and NGO agencies as a priority for effective adaptation, with agencies currently implementing strategies to encourage its integration, more is required for strategies to be strongly embedded into the practices of local communities.</p>


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesal Gohil ◽  
Emmanuel Baja ◽  
Tyrone Reden SY ◽  
Ernest Guevara ◽  
Charlotte Hemingway ◽  
...  

Abstract Background: The Philippines is facing a rapidly rising HIV epidemic among young men who have sex with men (MSM). Testing rates among young populations is poor. HIV self-testing (HIVST) is a promising strategy to address this testing gap. Exploring the perceived acceptability, feasibility and programmatic challenges of HIVST among key informants and target users is an important first step. Method: A qualitative study involving semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions (FGD). We interviewed 15 key informants involved with HIV testing programs or policies and 42 target users in six FGD in Metro Manila. We held separate discussions with high socio-economic MSM (n= 12), urban poor MSM (n=15) and transgender women (TGW) (n= 15). Results were analysed using a thematic framework approach. Results: MSM and TGW welcomed the convenience and privacy HIVST could provide. They preferred an inexpensive accurate blood-based kit attained from reputable sites. Key informants at national and local level equally welcomed HIVST but identified a number of policy and regulatory issues. Both groups articulated the challenge of enrolling those who test reactive using HIVST to further testing and treatment in an environment characterised by acute stigma around HIV. Conclusions: HIVST was found to be highly acceptable to target users and was welcomed as an additional testing approach at national level. Strategic alliances are now needed between stakeholders to proactively deliver a patient-centred HIVST program that could provide an effective, safe means of increasing testing coverage in this escalating context.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Osiris S. González-Galván

Local Governments around the world have taken advantage of social media during the past ten years to improve transparency and to provide public services. Challenges related to information management and citizen participation have emerged, namely at the local level where the diffusion of social media has been slower compared to initiatives launched at the national level. This paper analyzes how the use of social media can reflect a change in the discursive exchanges established between local governments in Canada and Mexico and citizens. To achieve this goal, the use of YouTube by the municipalities of Quebec and Morelia was examined by using digital methods and content analysis. The author proposes the emergence of new conditions between government and users, which are changing the discourse, identity, and communication purposes of the municipalities. However, the development of more dialogic communication processes supported by social media is still a promise, at least on YouTube.


Author(s):  
José Rodrigues Filho ◽  
João Rodrigues dos Santos Junior

E-government has the potential to enhance democracy and transparency, increasing opportunities for citizen interaction. Literature has given many examples of successes and failures in its implementation, especially at the national level. Now, there are claims that the greatest opportunities for e-government are at the local level, because local governments have more contact with citizens. However, little attention has been paid to the highly bureaucratic and paternalistic government structures at local levels, and to how information and communication technologies (ICTs) may affect interaction and participation. Most of the literature fails to cover this relationship, and most of the time tries to emphasize just the technical obstacles instead of obstacles of a non-technical nature, such as political and bureaucratic barriers. In this study, an attempt is made to show that ICTs in municipal government in Brazil are designed in such a way that they resemble the traditional political structures, maintaining politics as usual and avoiding new forms of interaction and participation.


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