The Custody of the Insane Poor.

1858 ◽  
Vol 4 (25) ◽  
pp. 460-472
Author(s):  
J. C. B.

The world is scarcely twelve months older since it was astonished and distressed by the Report of the Scottish Lunacy Commission. Scottish members of parliament were eloquently indignant at its plain spoken exposure, of the penurious and cruel neglect, to which the insane poor of that country were subject; people were grieved and scandalized, that such a state of things could be possible in the present day, and the English press was by no means lenient in its censures upon a public economy, which could degenerate into a system of wide-spread cruelty. It is, however, a wholesome practice in contemplating the failings of others, to permit them to remind us of our own past transgressions, and of our present short-comings. The insane poor of Scotland were treated with barbarous neglect, because the state had omitted to extend to them its protection; and they were consequently provided for on principles of pauper economy, in the manner most consistent with the views of those who dole out the poor rate to its destitute recipients. But a few short years since, the pauper insane of rich and civilized England were equally unprotected by special enactments of parliament. They were maintained out of the poor's rate in the manner which seemed best to the poor-law officers. How this was done is to some extent recorded in the parliamentary enquiries of 1815, and in the early reports of the Commissioners in Lunacy. It was found by dire experience, that the custody of the insane poor could not be entrusted to those who are compelled by law to find the funds for their maintenance. The legislature interfered, and by wise and humane enactments, transferred all custodian power over the pauper insane, from overseers and guardians of the poor, to the county magistracy, to that influential, wide-spread, and educated justiciary, to whom so large a share in the administration of English law and justice is committed. Under these enactments, the English County Asylums have been erected and managed in a manner which has met with the highest approval of the public. The deficient accommodation, however, of these asylums and the rapid increase of pauper lunacy, again brings prominently forward the question of the custodianship of the insane poor. In every part of the country, frequent applications are made, for the discharge of so-called “chronic and harmless lunatics” from county asylums, in order that they may be detained in custody in union houses. The poor-law board returns for last year shew that there are no less than 8,600 insane paupers at present confined in union houses, being more than one-half as many as the pauper inmates of county and borough asylums. For the most part the insane inmates of union houses, are distributed among the sane inmates. Far be it from us to stigmatize the companionship of the insane, as necessarily degrading and painful. Under skilful management it is certain that the habits of many insane persons are as little offensive, and their companionship as unobjectionable, as that of persons in whom the reason holds it throne. But in union houses where skilful management of the insane is impossible, the promiscuous association of pauperism and insanity is every way objectionable. It is a flagrant injustice to those sane persons, whom misfortune has thrown upon the support of the poor's rate, to be compelled to associate by night and day with the dirty and drivelling idiot, with the moping melancholiac, or the chronic madman, who may appear to be harmless and safe, but whom many serious and fatal accidents in union houses and elsewhere, proves to be most untrustworthy under the unhappy circumstances of hunger, neglect and irritation. To the insane pauper, the run of the union house in place of care and treatment in an asylum, is a thorough denial of his rights; rights to which he has a claim, as well-founded as the clergyman has to his tythes, or the landlord to his rent, or the tenant to the usufruct of his land.

1873 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-53

In 1793 the first Act “for the encouragement of Friendly Societies” was passed, and its preamble gave as the reason for passing it, that the encouragement of such societies was likely to be attended with very beneficial results, “by promoting the happiness of individuals, and at the same time diminishing the public burdens”. The encouragement given by the State consisted of exemptions from fees and stamps, facilities in recovering debts and settling disputes, and exemption of members from removal under the Poor Law until they became actually chargeable to the parish. The next Act of any consequence was that of 1819. Another Act had become needed. Since the passing of the former Act the population had increast from 9,000,000 to 11,500,000, but the amount annually expended in poor-law relief had risen to more than £7,500,000—within half a million of the amount annually expended now with nearly a doubled population. In other words, while since 1750 the population had increast by one half, the amount of poor-law relief had increast tenfold, or twenty times as fast as population.


Author(s):  
Jock R. Anderson ◽  
Regina Birner ◽  
Latha Najarajan ◽  
Anwar Naseem ◽  
Carl E. Pray

Abstract Private agricultural research and development can foster the growth of agricultural productivity in the diverse farming systems of the developing world comparable to the public sector. We examine the extent to which technologies developed by private entities reach smallholder and resource-poor farmers, and the impact they have on poverty reduction. We critically review cases of successfully deployed improved agricultural technologies delivered by the private sector in both large and small developing countries for instructive lessons for policy makers around the world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 41-67
Author(s):  
Valentina Chekharina

The COVID-19 pandemic became widespread across the world throughout 2020 and 2021 in an emergency that gravely impacted the health and lives of people around the world. States have taken exceptional measures to combat the pandemic, including controversial decisions to introduce emergency regimes, which have been questioned in regards to their compliance with constitutional regulations. The fight against the COVID-19 pandemic requires special measures, however they must remain within the constitutional framework. Consequently, the pandemic and its effect upon the legality of regimes in a state of emergency has captured the attention of legal scholars. The aim of this study is to analyse the constitutional regulation of the state of emergency in the Republic of Poland which was introduced in the country during the COVID-19 pandemic. In Poland, an emergency regime was introduced following an order by the Minister of Health. However the state of emergency (here, natural disaster) as stated by the Constitution was not introduced, although, according to analysts, some state bodies and officials had confirmed that all the necessary conditions for this were met. On 2 March 2020, the so-called Special Law on Coronavirus was adopted, followed by other regulations to fight the pandemic. These analysts stated that the measures introduced by the new acts corresponded to a legal regime containing the constitutional characteristics of a state of emergency, but lacked the appropriate constitutional procedure for their introduction. Presidential elections were held at this time, however legally they cannot be held during a state of emergency, as it indicates the presence of political interests in the choice of the regime. The unconstitutional procedure of the introduction of emergency measures alongside their characteristics of the state of emergency make it possible to consider the epidemic regime introduced in Poland a “hybrid” state of emergency, which is not detailed by the Constitution or legislation. On this basis, the study concludes that reasons behind the unconstitutional response to the COVID-19 pandemic in Poland can be found in both the Constitution, and in the manifestations of the crisis of the constitutional and legal system, which began with the reform of Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal by the ruling Law and Justice party in 2015.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ante Mandarić ◽  
Goran Matijević

The epidemic of the disease COVID-19, in Požeština in relation to China, where it originated in other parts of Croatia, appeared somewhat later, while Požega-Slavonia County in terms of total share in relation to other counties in Croatia remained relatively well , 16th place, out of a total of 20 counties, ie a smaller number of patients was recorded. In the conditions of public health danger to the health and lives of people with expressed uncertainty, citizens around the world were flooded with numerous information, about the disease, ways of prevention, treatment that at one point threatened to turn into an infodemia, as warned by the WHO. The importance of crisis communication in such conditions is of great importance, and how governments and headquarters communicate messages about the crisis to the public, which is discussed in the first parts of the paper and points out several inconsistencies and illogicalities in the actions of the state headquarters. prohibition and permission to make recommendations contrary to the epidemiologist’s recommendations. But more important than the recommendations of headquarters and governments, today are the recommendations and news transmitted by digital media, and especially the local ones that bring news and recommendations for the area where we live. Therefore, the aim of this paper was to investigate in the central part the significance of the local 034 Portal in the Corona crisis, and its monitoring of the crisis and its impact on the public. Research through several segments, it was found that the portal maintained the level of reporting on regular events and adjusted reporting on the Crown to the conditions and situation in the county, not leading to sensationalism, concern, fear, but was a carrier of preventive activities and a good ally in the fight. against the epidemic, that is, he followed the guidelines for informing the WHO and did not contribute to the creation of an infodemia.


Author(s):  
Tobias Harper

This chapter focuses on the most immediate and visible change of the post-war era: decolonization and the slow disintegration of the underlying imperial structure of the honours system. In India and Pakistan nationalist movements agreed that the honours system was an undesirable relic of empire, even as British officials tried to make the new states keep it in 1947 in order to maintain connections and power in the subcontinent. The process of decolonization of honours was slower, more partial, and complex in other parts of the world, reflecting complicated balances between loyalty and pragmatism. At the same time, within Britain a wide variety of people—including members of the royal family, Colonial, Dominions, and Commonwealth Office officials, honours recipients, newspaper columnists, and politicians—criticized the growing incongruity of the name of the Order of the British Empire. However, the administrators of the honours system staunchly defended the growing anachronism. In order to make the honours system work for Britain, the state and the public had to forget that the Order of the British Empire was not just of, but for, the empire.


Author(s):  
Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde ◽  
Mirjam Künkler ◽  
Tine Stein

In this personal reflection, Böckenförde portrays the dilemma he faced during his tenure as a judge on Germany’s Federal Constitutional Court: trying to bridge his Christian Catholic spirituality with his work as a high-ranking public servant in a secular state. He describes his struggle with the Catholic teachings prior to Second Vaticanum, which at that time still defined the state as ideally Catholic and demanded every believer in public office to act as a vanguard for Christian natural law. But by committing himself to the public good, Böckenförde sidestepped the requirement of the Catholic Church and fully embraced the democratic, religiously neutral political order. Böckenförde justified his position (deviant in the eyes of the Church) by insisting on the strict neutrality demanded from a judge. He pointed to the so-called Church Compromise of the Weimar Republic (Weimarer Kirchenkompromiss), which established the neutrality of the state with regard to religion, and which was re-adopted in West Germany after 1949. He also relinquished his consultative role in the Central Committee of Catholics once he was nominated to the Constitutional Court. Even in cases affecting abortion, he only dealt with the issues at hand as a judge, not as a Catholic. In his view, Christian spirituality can manifest itself in faithfulness to one's office and an integrity that is open to the world.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 441-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Kerr

Presenting a large threat to irreplaceable heritage, property, cultural knowledge and cultural economies across the world, heritage and cultural property crimes offer case studies through which to consider the challenges, choices and practices that shape 21st-century policing. This article uses empirical research conducted in England & Wales, France and Italy to examine heritage and cultural property policing. It considers the threat before investigating three crucial questions. First, who is involved in this policing? Second, how are they involved in this policing? Third, why are they involved? This last question is the most important and is central to the article as it examines why, in an era of severe economic challenges for the governments in the case studies, the public sector would choose to lead policing.


Rural History ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Howells

In 1836 under the auspices of section 62 of the New Poor Law, 3,069 poor people from Norfolk were assisted to emigrate to North America. Their passages, and various other requirements including spending money, travel to the port, equipment for the voyage and settling of debts, were paid for out of the poor rates. The rationale for this outflow of people revolved around the issue of surplus labour, which was believed to have a corrosive and unsettling effect upon the state of rural society. Emigration had long been seen as a potential safety valve for surplus labour. Clause 62 can be traced back to the vigorous debate about assisted emigration associated with Robert Wilmot Horton. For one emigration season, it looked as if parochial government were capable of rising to the challenge of solving its surplus labour problems and simultaneously satisfying the needs of the labour-hungry British colonies. This paper examines the Norfolk emigration fever by using a previously unused data set of nineteenth-century emigration (Ministry of Health files held at the Public Record Office). It argues that assisted emigration was the result of a concerted rational policy, applied by the parish officers aimed to benefit emigrants and those left behind. The policy was neither haphazard nor accidental and, though inspired by fear of the consequences of implementing the New Poor Law, was not a panicked response. It argues that the arrangements for assisted emigration resulted in a process of interchange and interaction between rich and poor which makes a mockery of the term ‘shovelling out paupers’. The poor emigrants who were targeted were assisted because they were good labourers, not useless indigents incapable of providing for themselves. The findings shed further light on the nature of emigrating populations, the emigratory process and the mindset of both rich and poor at the time of the introduction of the New Poor Law.


1997 ◽  
Vol 91 (4) ◽  
pp. 593-627 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas M. Franck

No one must be disturbed because of his opinions, even in religious matters, provided their expression does not trouble the public order established by law.Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, 1789Various forces and tendencies contending in the world of ideas bear directly on the identity of each person. The nation, the tribe, the state, the “ethnie” or sociocultural group, international institutions, and several nongovernmental transnational actors, including the great religions—all contend for adherents. Two things stand out in this cacophony: first, that individuals, nowadays, may have more than one affiliation; and, second, that affiliative choices increasingly can be made by individuals acting autonomously.


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