Transforming Governance: How National Policies and Organizations for Managing Disaster Recovery Evolved following the 4 September 2010 and 22 February 2011 Canterbury Earthquakes

2014 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 577-605 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurie A. Johnson ◽  
Ljubica Mamula-Seadon

Large-scale disasters simultaneously deplete capital stock and services which then requires many complex rebuilding and societal activities to happen in a compressed time period; one of those is governance. Governments often create new institutions or adapt existing institutions to cope with the added demands. Over two years following the 4 September 2010 and 22 February 2011 Canterbury earthquakes, governance transformations have increasingly centralized recovery authority and operations at the national level. This may have helped to strengthen coordination among national agencies and expedite policy and decision making; but the effectiveness of coordination among multiple levels of government, capacity building at the local and regional levels, and public engagement and deliberation of key decisions are some areas where the transformations may not have been as effective. The Canterbury case offers many lessons for future disaster recovery management in New Zealand, the United States, and the world.

Author(s):  
D. W. Ellwood

The First World War cost Europe the leadership of the world. But the United States of Woodrow Wilson was not ready to take its place. The 1920s brought Europe to a crossroads where mass democracy, mass production, and mass communications—the latter two dominated by American innovations— transformed ideas of sovereignty, modernity, and identity everywhere. The financial crash of 1929 destroyed illusions about the United States as the land of the future, and helped legitimize the totalitarians. European democrats looked to the 1930s New Deal as their last best hope. During the Second World War Roosevelt rebuilt the global order, with the United Nations and other new institutions. But the United States was now looking to ‘retire’ Europe from the world scene, and build a new universe based on America’s experience of the link between mass prosperity and democratic stability.


2020 ◽  
pp. 147892992097352
Author(s):  
Aly Hiko ◽  
Austin Horng-En Wang

Early studies show that the COVID-19 pandemic causes the rally-around-the-flag effect and increases the level of nationalism among the voters after the outbreak. However, how long does this boost last? Voters may cognitively withdraw their identification to the beloved country if the pandemic is rampant in where they live as well as when the government fails to address it thoroughly. We conducted a pre-registered MTurk experiment (n = 606) on 20 April 2020, in the United States—3 months after the first confirmed case and weeks after the large-scale lockdown. Results show that US subjects who were primed of the COVID-19 in the United States significantly decreased their level of nationalism, especially among Democrats. In contrast, the priming of “COVID-19 in the world” has no effect. The negative impact of COVID-19 on nationalism could be explained by enough time as people could observe and evaluate the government’s performance after the outbreak through the partisan lens.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 889-896
Author(s):  
Norio Maki ◽  
◽  
Laurie A. Johnson ◽  
◽  

The role of recovery organization management is important, and organizations in various forms have been established internationally to aid recovery from large-scale disasters. This paper clarifies three types of recovery organizations by analyzing them in various countries based on disaster organization theory. Furthermore, it analyzes recovery organizations that operated after the Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake and the Great East Japan Earthquake in Japan. It then examines the operations of recovery organizations during large-scale earthquakes that may lead to a national crisis by comparing recovery organizations internationally. Finally, this paper clarifies the necessity of “emergent” organizations.


2012 ◽  
Vol 256-259 ◽  
pp. 145-148
Author(s):  
Yong Zhi Wang ◽  
Wei Ming Wang ◽  
Xiao Ming Yuan

Centrifugal shakers are widely regarded as state-of-the-art testing facilities of geotechnical earthquake engineering for providing an effective solution for the unequal gravity stress between models and prototypes typically in traditional test methods. Currently only two large centrifugal shakers are in the United States and Japan respectively, whereas no one has been established in China. Such situation remarkably lags behind the serious seismic conditions and the world largest construction scale of civil engineering in China. Due to the lack of experiences and the lot of difficulty, one significant task of large scale centrifugal shaker construction is tracking study on the world advanced facilities. The paper outlines the technology parameters and components of the two existing large centrifugal shakers. Through investigating and comparing the structural characteristics of the two facilities, the differences between the two are summed up and analyzed. The analyses indicate that key technologies mainly centre upon centrifuge arms, centrifuge buckets, exciting devices, power sources and guide-support devices. The results can provide assistance and reference to the construction of foreign and domestic large scale centrifugal shakers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 376 (1822) ◽  
pp. 20200147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Arceneaux ◽  
Timothy B. Gravelle ◽  
Mathias Osmundsen ◽  
Michael Bang Petersen ◽  
Jason Reifler ◽  
...  

People form political attitudes to serve psychological needs. Recent research shows that some individuals have a strong desire to incite chaos when they perceive themselves to be marginalized by society. These individuals tend to see chaos as a way to invert the power structure and gain social status in the process. Analysing data drawn from large-scale representative surveys conducted in Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States, we identify the prevalence of Need for Chaos across Anglo-Saxon societies. Using Latent Profile Analysis, we explore whether different subtypes underlie the uni-dimensional construct and find evidence that some people may be motivated to seek out chaos because they want to rebuild society, while others enjoy destruction for its own sake. We demonstrate that chaos-seekers are not a unified political group but a divergent set of malcontents. Multiple pathways can lead individuals to ‘want to watch the world burn’. This article is part of the theme issue ‘The political brain: neurocognitive and computational mechanisms’.


Author(s):  
Alison L. LaCroix

Federalism refers to the constitutional and political structure of the United States of America, according to which political power is divided among multiple levels of government: the national level of government (also referred to as the “federal” or “general” government) and that of the states. It is a multilayered system of government that reserves some powers to component entities while also establishing an overarching level of government with a specified domain of authority. The structures of federalism are set forth in the Constitution of the United States, although some related ideas and practices predated the founding period and others have developed since. The balance between federal and state power has shifted throughout U.S. history, with assertions of broad national power meeting challenges from supporters of states’ rights and state sovereignty. Federalism is a fundamental value of the American political system, and it has been a controversial political and legal question since the founding period.


Author(s):  
Pramath Raj Sinha

This chapter is based on the stories of the author’s personal experiences in building three different institutions and programmes—the Indian School of Business (ISB), Ashoka University, and the Young India Fellowship (part of Ashoka University). The author argues that instead of driving systemic change through policy advocacy or large-scale capacity building, efforts can also be directed towards the building of new institutions that address an unmet need and an unsolved problem in our country, and that aspire to be the best in the world from the word go.


1884 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 81-89
Author(s):  
W. H. Edwards

I am asked to write for the Can. Ent. a paper on breeding butterflies, and on taking observations of the larval stages, and I comply with pleasure, hoping that what I shall say may be the means of inducing some collectors to cultivate this field. There are many local collections of butterflies in Canada and the United States, and a few general North American collections, more or less complete. But their owners are mostly satisfied with mere collecting and accumulating specimens of the imago. Very few know anything of the larval and other stages of the butterflies, unless of some of the common species. And where anything is known, very little is given to the world. Some collectors, however, have also been breeders of butterflies, sphinges and moths on a large scale. As for example, our friends, John Akhurst and Professor Julius E. Meyer, of Brooklyn, each of whom could fill a good-sized volume, if they would relate one half of what they know on these subjects. Such an one was the late William Newman, of Philadelphia, who lived to a good old age, and had spent his spare hours for many years in collecting and breeding lepidoptera. But none of these gentlemen have published a line that I am aware of, and the entomological world is not much the wiser for their private experience. So that practically here is a great field almost unworked.


2011 ◽  
pp. 154-161
Author(s):  
Jeffrey W. Seifert ◽  
Harold C. Relyea

The United States is frequently ranked among the most advanced e-government countries in the world (Accenture, 2004; United Nations, 2003; West, 2004). While many of these surveys emphasize the importance of technological issues, such as Web sites, interoperable data standards, and security protections, considerably less attention has been focused on the legislative environment that either facilitates or hinders the development of e-government at the national level. Like all countries, the United States has long grappled with the problem of how to centrally coordinate a diverse and sometimes incongruous collection of departments and agencies to achieve improved efficiencies, while maintaining a level of flexibility that enables these entities to carry out their specialized responsibilities effectively. This challenge can be made harder by the integration of information technology into government, by reifying organizational boundaries in the form of so-called “stove pipes” and “islands of automation.” To combat these problems, national governments are attempting to use legislative means to harmonize a cacophony of independent initiatives, and establish benchmarks for oversight. On December 17, 2002, President George W. Bush signed the E-Government Act of 2002 (116 Stat. 2899; P.L. 107-347) into law. Although there are many existing laws regarding issues such as information technology (IT) management, privacy, and information security, the E-Government Act of 2002 is the first national law that specifically addresses e-government in the United States. Prior to the passage of the E-Government Act, the law frequently cited as the most comprehensive information technology-related law was the Clinger-Cohen Act, signed into law in 1996, just 5 years after the development of the World Wide Web (1991) and at a time when the potential uses of the Internet were just beginning to be recognized by the larger, general public. The Clinger-Cohen Act provisions focus primarily on a narrow range of issues, including the decentralization of IT management within the U.S. federal government, pilot testing of new IT procurement procedures, and the establishment of chief information officer (CIO) positions in the major departments and agencies. In contrast, the provisions of the E-Government Act, described in greater detail below, address a much more comprehensive range of issues, suggesting that the integration of IT into government operations has reached a critical turning point. Some of these provisions include information security, IT management and training, the digital divide, and the creation of an Office of Electronic Government to coordinate and oversee e-government initiatives government-wide, among other duties.


Author(s):  
Erik Bleich ◽  
Maurits van der Veen

For decades, scholars and observers have criticized negative media portrayals of Muslims and Islam. Yet most of these critiques are limited by their focus on one specific location, a limited time period, or a single outlet. This book offers the first systematic, large-scale analysis of American newspaper coverage of Muslims through comparisons across groups, time, countries, and topics. It demonstrates conclusively that coverage of Muslims is strikingly negative by every comparative measure examined. Muslim articles are negative relative to those touching on Catholics, Jews, or Hindus, and to those mentioning marginalized groups within the United States as diverse as African Americans, Latinos, Mormons, and atheists. Coverage of Muslims has also been consistently and enduringly negative across the two-decade period from 1996 through 2016. This pattern is not unique to the United States; it also holds in countries such as Britain, Canada, and Australia, although less so in the Global South. Moreover, the strong negativity in the articles is not simply a function of stories about foreign conflict zones or radical Islamist violence, even though it is true that terrorism and extremism have become more prominent themes since 9/11. Strikingly, even articles about mundane topics tend to be negative. The findings suggest that American newspapers may, however inadvertently, contribute to reinforcing boundaries that generate Islamophobic attitudes. To overcome these drawbacks, journalists and citizens can consciously “tone-check” the media to limit the stigmatizing effect of negative coverage so commonly associated with Muslims and Islam.


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