Understanding the Anemic Global Response to COVID-19

2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 1013-1021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua W. Busby

Abstract The COVID-19 outbreak is the most serious test of the international system since the 2008 global financial crisis. Rather than cooperate to contain and respond to a common threat, the world's leading powers—the United States and China—have increasingly blamed each other through wildly speculative theories about the origins of the virus. The World Health Organization sought to coordinate a global response, but it has been hamstrung and has come under attack. Given past cooperation between major powers to mobilize and eradicate smallpox and previous US leadership to fight HIV/AIDS and the 2014 West African Ebola crisis, the limited cooperation and lack of leadership are puzzling. What explains the anemic global response to date? This article draws from structural international relations theory to suggest a partial but somewhat dissatisfying answer. International organizations are inherently weak and now face opposition by major powers. The international system simultaneously incentivizes states to cooperate and address common threats, but it also encourages countries to take care of themselves, potentially at the expense of others. Which of these motives dominates cannot be explained by structural theory, thus requiring us to look to other factors such as the attributes of states and leaders themselves.

2020 ◽  
Vol 120 (822) ◽  
pp. 3-8
Author(s):  
Allen Hicken ◽  
Pauline Jones ◽  
Anil Menon

The Trump administration sought to erode confidence in the international system, which it regarded as an affront to national sovereignty. The COVID-19 pandemic, by raising collective awareness of the need for global cooperation, may help to restore that confidence and encourage renewed commitment to multilateralism. Public opinion polls show that people around the world have greater confidence in global institutions like the World Health Organization than in national leaders like Donald Trump or Xi Jinping. The United States will continue to be an indispensable partner after Trump, but the international order will rest on a stronger footing if Washington is no longer expected to be the prime mover and contributes instead as one among equals.


Author(s):  
Ramdhan Muhaimin ◽  
Rizal A Hidayat ◽  
Eldha Mulyani

To fight the Covid-19 pandemic, several countries, through their pharmaceutical companies, conduct research and production of vaccines. Efforts to invent a vaccine are racing with the rapid mutation of Covid-19. The World Health Organization with GAVI (Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization) and CEPI (Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations) initiated a collaborative forum called Covid-19 Vaccine Global Access (COVAX). The goal there is justice and equity in the distribution of vaccines throughout the world. Although strategic efforts to deal with the Covid-19 pandemic are carried out multilaterally through COVAX, many countries have also taken bilateral steps to get their vaccine needs. On the other hand, the Covid-19 vaccine diplomacy that took place in an anarchic international system showed three different cultural patterns, namely Hobbesian (conflictual), Lockean (competitive), and Kantian (cooperative). By using a qualitative approach, this study analyzes three cultural patterns of anarchy in vaccine diplomacy. Data collection techniques in this research are based on library research. The theory used in this research is diplomacy and cultures of Anarchy in Constructivism approach. From this research, it was found that the COVAX is a representation of the cooperative pattern carried out by countries in overcoming the Covid-19 pandemic. But apart from that, there is also Hobbesian or conflictual diplomacy between the United States and China. Meanwhile, competitive diplomacy can be seen in the competition among vaccine-producing countries.AbstrakUntuk mengatasi pandemi Covid-19, sejumlah negara melalui perusahaan farmasinya melakukan penelitian dan produksi vaksin. Upaya pencarian vaksin berlomba dengan mutasi Covid-19 yang cepat. Organisasi Kesehatan Dunia (World Health Organization) bersama GAVI (Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization) dan CEPI (Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations) menginisiasi wadah kolaboratif bernama Covid-19 Vaccine Global Access (COVAX). Tujuannya, agar terjadi keadilan dan pemerataan dalam distribusi vaksin ke seluruh dunia. Meski upaya strategis menghadapi pandemik Covid-19 dilakukan secara multilateral melalui COVAX, tapi langkah-langkah bilateral juga banyak dilakukan negaranegara dalam memenuhi kebutuhan vaksinnya. Pada sisi lain, diplomasi vaksin Covid-19 yang terjadi dalam sistem internasional yang anarki menunjukkan tiga pola budaya yang berbeda, yaitu Hobbesian (konfliktual), Lockian (kompetitif), dan Kantian (kooperatif). Dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif, penelitian ini menganalisis tiga pola budaya anarki dalam diplomasi vaksin yang terjadi saat ini. Tekni pengumpulan data pada penelitian berdasarkan riset kepustakaan (library research). Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah Diplomasi dan Budaya Anarki dalam Konstruktivisme yang dikembangkan Alexander Wendt. Dari penelitian ini, ditemukan wadah COVAX merupakan representasi pola kooperatif yang dilakukan negara-negara dalam mengatasi pandemik Covid-19. Namun selain itu, terjadi juga diplomasi ala Hobbesian atau konfliktual seperti yang terjadi antara Amerika Serikat dan China. Sedangkan diplomasi yang bersifat kompetitif terlihat pada persaingan di antara negara-negara produsen vaksin.


Author(s):  
Marwan Awni Kamil

This study attempts to give a description and analysis derived from the new realism school in the international relations of the visions of the great powers of the geopolitical changes witnessed in the Middle East after 2011 and the corresponding effects at the level of the international system. It also examines the alliances of the major powers in the region and its policies, with a fixed and variable statement to produce a reading that is based on a certain degree of comprehensiveness and objectivity.


Author(s):  
Roger Magnusson

Non-communicable diseases (NCDs), including cardiovascular disease, cancer, chronic respiratory diseases, and diabetes, are responsible for around 70 percent of global deaths each year. This chapter describes how NCDs have become prevalent and critically evaluates global efforts to address NCDs and their risk factors, with a particular focus on the World Health Organization (WHO) and United Nations (UN) system. It explores the factors that have prevented those addressing NCDs from achieving access to resources and a priority commensurate with their impact on people’s lives. The chapter evaluates the global response to NCDs both prior to and since the UN High-Level Meeting on Prevention and Control of Non-communicable Diseases, held in 2011, and considers opportunities for strengthening that response in future.


2021 ◽  
pp. 223386592110248
Author(s):  
Yooneui Kim ◽  
Youngwan Kim

Are international organizations autonomous actors in global politics? This paper investigates whether and how major powers influence the World Bank’s official development assistance policies. Despite the World Bank’s attempts to maintain independence from its member states, we argue that major powers are still influential. Testing this expectation with the data of official development assistance provisions between 1981 and 2017, we find that the World Bank provides a higher amount of official development assistance to the recipient countries that receive a higher amount of such assistance from the major powers such as the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany and Japan. In addition, the World Bank is prone to provide a higher amount of official development assistance to the recipients that have a similar preference to the major powers. This study sheds light on the relations between major powers and international organizations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002085232098451
Author(s):  
Steven Van Hecke ◽  
Harald Fuhr ◽  
Wouter Wolfs

Despite new challenges like climate change and digitalization, global and regional organizations recently went through turbulent times due to a lack of support from several of their member states. Next to this crisis of multilateralism, the COVID-19 pandemic now seems to question the added value of international organizations for addressing global governance issues more specifically. This article analyses this double challenge that several organizations are facing and compares their ways of managing the crisis by looking at their institutional and political context, their governance structure, and their behaviour during the pandemic until June 2020. More specifically, it will explain the different and fragmented responses of the World Health Organization, the European Union and the International Monetary Fund/World Bank. With the aim of understanding the old and new problems that these international organizations are trying to solve, this article argues that the level of autonomy vis-a-vis the member states is crucial for understanding the politics of crisis management. Points for practitioners As intergovernmental bodies, international organizations require authorization by their member states. Since they also need funding for their operations, different degrees of autonomy also matter for reacting to emerging challenges, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. The potential for international organizations is limited, though through proactive and bold initiatives, they can seize the opportunity of the crisis and partly overcome institutional and political constraints.


2015 ◽  
Vol 112 (22) ◽  
pp. 7051-7054 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Elguero ◽  
Lucrèce M. Délicat-Loembet ◽  
Virginie Rougeron ◽  
Céline Arnathau ◽  
Benjamin Roche ◽  
...  

Sickle cell disease (SCD) is a genetic disorder that poses a serious health threat in tropical Africa, which the World Health Organization has declared a public health priority. Its persistence in human populations has been attributed to the resistance it provides to Plasmodium falciparum malaria in its heterozygous state, called sickle cell trait (SCT). Because of migration, SCT is becoming common outside tropical countries: It is now the most important genetic disorder in France, affecting one birth for every 2,400, and one of the most common in the United States. We assess the strength of the association between SCT and malaria, using current data for both SCT and malaria infections. A total of 3,959 blood samples from 195 villages distributed over the entire Republic of Gabon were analyzed. Hemoglobin variants were identified by using HPLCy (HPLC). Infections by three species of Plasmodium were detected by PCR followed by sequencing of a 201-bp fragment of cytochrome b. An increase of 10% in P. falciparum malaria prevalence is associated with an increase by 4.3% of SCT carriers. An increase of 10 y of age is associated with an increase by 5.5% of SCT carriers. Sex is not associated with SCT. These strong associations show that malaria remains a selective factor in current human populations, despite the progress of medicine and the actions undertaken to fight this disease. Our results provide evidence that evolution is still present in humans, although this is sometimes questioned by scientific, political, or religious personalities.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1951 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 570-572

IN THE summary of the report of the Expert Committee on Prematurity of the World Health Organization, published in this column in February 1951, Dr. Ethel Dunham indicated the concern of the Expert Committee in regard to uniformity of information on the incidence and mortality of prematurity. The need for uniformity is particularly urgent in a field where there are so many intrinsic variable factors. It has been shown time and again that the ability of a premature infant to survive, under the best of care, is closely correlated with the birth weight, which in itself reflects the stage of maturity. In turn, the stage of maturity at a given weight is affected by sex, race, and whether the child is a single or one of a multiple birth. Uniformly, at a particular stage of maturity, male infants are larger than female, single births are larger than multiple births and, in the United States, white babies are larger than Negro babies. These considerations underline the danger of misinterpretation of so-called over-all rates for the incidence of prematurity and for the mortality of premature infants. For example, at any given weight, Negro premature infants are probably more mature and consequently have a better chance of surviving.


2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-2
Author(s):  
Joseph Meaney ◽  

COVID-19 vaccine passports run the risk of creating a divided society where social privileges or restrictions based on “fitness” lead to discrimination based on immunization status. Individuals have a strong right to be free of coercion to take a COVID-19 vaccine, and we should be very leery of further invasion of private medical decisions. These concerns are shared both internationally and in the United States, and the World Health Organization, the Biden administration, and many US governors oppose COVID-19 vaccine credentials. In addition, regulations for COVID-19 vaccine credentials face practical barriers, including lack of access globally, especially among the poor; and lack of scientific data on the efficacy of these vaccines.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Baker ◽  
Maripier Isabelle ◽  
Mark Stabile ◽  
Sara Allin

In most high-income countries, including Canada, the share of births by Caesarean section (C‑section) has risen over the past decades to far exceed World Health Organization recommendations of the proportion justified on medical grounds (15 percent). Although unnecessary C-sections represent an important cost for health care systems, they are not associated with clear benefits for the mother and the child and can sometimes represent additional risks. Drawing on administrative records of nearly four million births in Canada, as well as macro data from the United States and Australia, we provide a comprehensive account of rising C-section rates. We explicitly consider the contributions of the main factors brought forward in the policy literature, including changing characteristics of mothers, births, and physicians as well as changing financial incentives for C-section deliveries. These factors account for at most one-half of the increase in C-section rates. The majority of the remaining increase in C-sections over the period 1994–2011 occurred in the early 2000s. We suggest that some event or shock in the early 2000s is likely the primary determinant of the recent strong increase in the C-section rate in Canada.


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