What Is a “Minority” in an Imperial Formation?

2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-331
Author(s):  
Paul W. Werth

Abstract Is minority a term applicable to groups in the Russian Empire, as an imperial formation? This article seeks to answer this question by engaging with two others: (1) Was there a term (or terms) that conveyed that idea? And, (2) Was there a historical experience among particular segments of that society with attributes that we may associate with “minorities”? The article proposes that, on the one hand, there can be no minorities unless a majority has itself come into being, and, on the other, that growing association of the state with the Russian people specifically, and the claim that other East Slavs were also Russian despite regional particularities, along with efforts to create a kind of citizenship through institutions that were inclusive of non-Russian peoples, began to constitute such a majority and minorities in Russia.

2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (S24) ◽  
pp. 49-70
Author(s):  
Dmitry Khitrov

AbstractThis article addresses the system of state-organized and state-controlled tributary labour in the Russian Empire in the eighteenth century. On the basis of the taxpayers’ registry of 1795, it focuses on the social groups obliged to perform military service or labour directly for the polity. They included the numerous “service class” of the southern and eastern frontier regions, including Russian, Ukrainian (mainly Cossack), and indigenous (Bashkir and Kalmyk) communities, and the group of pripisnye, peasants “bound” to industries and shipyards to work for their taxes. The rationale behind the use of this type of labour relation was, on the one hand, the need of the state to secure the support of labour in distant and poorly populated regions, and, on the other, that the communes of labourers saw performing work for the state as a strong guarantee of their landowning privileges.


Author(s):  
Natal'ya N. Okutina

This article examines the formation and development of the petty bourgeois' self-government of the late 18th — the early 19th centuries. The author made an attempt to reveal the main stages of development of petty bourgeois' self-government in Russia within the framework of the proposed periodisation. The paper analyses the main legal acts and the changes they make to the legal regulation of the activities of the local government bodies within a certain historical framework. The author provides an analysis of the legal regulation of issues of an intra-class nature and the representation of members of petty-bourgeois corporations in local government and state bodies. On the basis of the conducted research, conclusions are drawn up on the need for further reform of the existing forms of public participation in solving local issues, taking into account historical experience.


2006 ◽  
pp. 145-153
Author(s):  
Liudmyla M. Shuhayeva

In the first decades of the XIX century. the territory of the Russian Empire from Western Europe is beginning to penetrate chiliastic ideas. The term "chiliism" refers to the well-known doctrine of the millennial kingdom of Icyca Christ on earth, dating to the first centuries of Christianity. The ideas of chilias became especially popular during the reign of Alexander I, who himself was sympathetic to the mystical-chiliatic teachings. Chilias in the Russian Empire spread in two ways. On the one hand, chiliastic ideas penetrated with the works of German mystics of the late eighteenth - early twentieth centuries. On the other hand, in anticipation of the fast approaching of the millennial kingdom of Christ, the German cultists of the Hiliists moved large parties across southern Russia to the Caucasus, thereby facilitating the spread of their ideas. The religious formations of the Orthodox sectarianism of the chiliastic-eschatological orientation are represented by the Jehovah-Hlinists ("Right Brotherhood"), the Ioannites, and the Malavans.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-19
Author(s):  
Natascha Drubek

The second part of the article (forbeginning see Issue # 4 (34) 2017) looks intothe spiritual (religious) censorship and its relationshipwith the institute of the householdcensorship regulating the representation of thesacral in the Russian Empire. The author investigatesthe ways of controlling the content ofthe films and their demonstration. An attemptto limit the circulation of the Tzars movingimage, the withdrawal of the Khodynka footage,on the one hand, and on the other hand,the success of the first Lumi.re films includingthe portrayal of the Russian Emperor starting thedomestic production of Tzarist newsreels ledto the emergence of Russain film censorship.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-125
Author(s):  
Stefano Rebeggiani

This article offers a thorough study of Virgil's interaction with the myth of Eteocles and Polynices' war for the throne of Thebes, as represented especially in Athenian tragedy. It demonstrates that allusions to the Theban myth are crucial to the Aeneid's construction of a set of tensions and oppositions that play an important role in Virgil's reflection on the historical experience of Rome, especially in connection with the transition from Republic to Empire. In particular, interaction with Theban stories allows Virgil to explore: (1) the dichotomy between similarity and foreignness in the depiction of Rome's enemies; (2) the tension in differing attitudes towards the state as reflected in antithetical character types—namely, the selfless youth who sacrifices himself for the community and the would-be tyrant prepared to go to any lengths to achieve sole power; and, finally, (3) the dichotomy between opposing notions of time defined by teleology, on the one hand, and circularity and repetition on the other, the two representing the differing temporalities of epic and tragedy, respectively.


2020 ◽  
Vol 145 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-316
Author(s):  
KIRILL ZIKANOV

AbstractIn 1863, Alexander Dargomyzhsky hatched plans for a gallery of humorous fantasias that would depict nationalities residing on the western border of the Russian Empire, including Baltic Germans, Poles, Ukrainians and Finns. On the one hand, this gallery of satirical portraits was an effective way of capturing the attention of domestic audiences, since the western borderlands were at the forefront of Russian popular attention in the wake of the Polish uprising. On the other hand, Dargomyzhsky repeatedly reiterated his intention that the fantasias should function as a means of achieving international recognition, and a year later he actually set off on a promotional tour across Europe. Together, the imperial implications of the three resulting fantasias, Dargomyzhsky’s attempts to market them abroad and the compositional inventiveness of the final fantasia, the Chukhon Fantasy, locate Dargomyzhsky’s orchestral oeuvre as a crucial node in the convoluted aesthetic and cultural negotiations of Russian nineteenth-century music.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-110
Author(s):  
Oleg Alexandrovich Chernov

The problem of reforming the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire in the beginning of XX century was widely highlighted in historical literature. However, the role of N.V. Charykov is covered very briefly. Since he was the chairman of the council on the reform of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, it seemed necessary to explore his ideas and role in this transformative direction. He became the head of the council on the reform of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs after he had an appointment to a deputy minister of Foreign Affairs. It happened after A.P. Izvolsky (N.V. Charykovs friend and classmate at Imperial Alexander Lyceum) had become a foreign minister. N.V. Charykov denotes that A.P. Izvolsky invited him to become the deputy minister of Foreign Affairs. All the legal affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were transferred under authority of N.V. Charykov by A.P. Izvolsky. N.V. Charykov took up his post as the deputy minister of Foreign Affairs and was the head of the council on the reform of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, implemented thoughtful and meticulous work. He could establish coordination among the actions of all the departments from which the reform was dependent on. Furthermore, he believed in the necessity of changing the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, linking it to the need to increase funding. Besides, he stood out for maintaining diplomatic correspondence in Russian instead of French. The important point was a democratization of the diplomatic exam on the one hand and an increase of the level of educational requirements for candidates on the other.


Author(s):  
L. S. Gushchian ◽  

The mechanisms of formation of the Iranian funds of the Russian Ethnographic Museum are analyzed in the article. The series of collections acquired at the beginning of the 20th century for this collection, indicates the relevant interest towards the multi-ethnic culture of Iran, in which female images, with an outstandingly exotic character for Europeans, have a special place. The accompanying archival materials of the collections, in particular, the correspondence between expeditionist-collector S.  Ter-Avetisyan, a student of the Imperial St. Petersburg university, and the curator of the museum K. Inostrantsev, demonstrate, on the one hand, the wide range of research programs of the orientalist s tudents at the beginning of the last century, and on the other, a researcher’s high status in the Russian Empire


Author(s):  
R. Martseniuk

The article is based on archival sources and historiographical analyzes the life and scientific-pedagogical activity Alexander Mickiewicz, one of the first professors of the University of St. Vladimir. There is an attempt to describe the one hand the problem of self-determination for a single person who represented thousands of people who due partitions late eighteenth century. was a part of the new state, the other to illustrate the then education and national policy of the Russian Empire regarding them.


Author(s):  
Karim R. Khaliullin ◽  

Based on the analysis of the poem by G.R. Derzhavin “Hymn lyric-epic on driving out the French from the Fatherland”, the article demonstrates how this text predicted the changes in the state rhetoric and ideology of the Russian Empire in 1813–1815. Creating this text as an ideological poem and developing the motive of the Russian people there, Derzhavin left the civil understanding of it widespread in poetry during the Patriotic War in which people are recognized as an autonomous figure in history, independent of either the tsar or God and gave the motive a biblical dimension: opposition of Russia and France are compared to the ontological battle of divine and demonic forces. In “Hymn lyric-epic …” the idea of messianism of the Russian people sounds louder than in other modern poems. Moreover, Derzhavin's poem was one of the first, in which the plot of the Patriotic War of 1812 is clearly, voluminously and consistently set out: from the awakening of Napoleon (“Dragon or the serpentine demon”) to the final triumph of the Russians chosen by God and led by the archangel-like Mikhail Kutuzov, and the flight of the French emperor from the borders of the Russian Empire.


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