War Frenzy

Meridians ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (S1) ◽  
pp. 139-148
Author(s):  
Sunera Thobani

Abstract Following a speech against the war on terror the author presented at a conference on Violence Against Women, she was publicly attacked and threatened for “hate-mongering.” This paper was written in the aftermath of the controversy that followed. The author’s speech highlighted the history of U.S. foreign policy and sought to mobilize feminist opposition to the invasion of Afghanistan. The war, she argued, was reviving the colonial/imperial global divide and would be catastrophic. The author explores here how a number of carefully considered words used in the speech were treated in the public controversy that followed as too “incendiary” and used to shut down political opposition to the invasion of Afghanistan. By publicly branding her an ungrateful and hate-filled immigrant woman, and an apologist for terrorism, the media provided a platform to shut down political opposition and advance the racist and Islamophobic political ideology of the war.

Author(s):  
Piers Robinson

This chapter examines the relevance of media and public opinion to our understanding of foreign policy and international politics. It first considers whether public opinion influences foreign policy formulation, as argued by the pluralist model, or whether the public are politically impotent, as argued by the elite model. It then explores whether the media can influence foreign policy formulation, as argued by the pluralist model, or whether the media are fundamentally subservient to the foreign policy process, as argued by the elite model. It also integrates these competing arguments with theoretical frames used in the study of international relations: namely, realism, liberalism, and critical approaches (including constructivism and post-structuralism). The chapter concludes by discussing contemporary debates concerning organized persuasive communication and the ‘war on terror’.


Author(s):  
Piers Robinson

This chapter examines the influence of media and public opinion on U.S. foreign policy and vice versa. It considers the extent to which the media and public have been manipulated by the government, and the extent to which public opinion and media have shaped foreign policy during tumultuous times such as the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. It also explores the consequences of public opinion and media for U.S. power in the twenty-first century. The chapter describes pluralist and elite models of the public opinion/ media/foreign policy nexus, long with public and media diplomacy. It concludes with a discussion of the extent to which developments in communication technology have empowered U.S. public opinion and media, as well as the impact of this technology on global U.S. power and influence, in particular in the context of the current war on terror.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josh Shepperd

Abstract Through detailed archival analysis of personal letters, this article examines how the “public interest” mandate of the Communications Act of 1934 inspired the formation of the Princeton Radio Research Project (PRRP), and influenced Paul Lazarsfeld’s development of two-step flows and media effects research. Buried in federal records, a post-Act Federal Communications Commission (FCC) Pursuant that mandated analysis of educational broadcasting additionally turns out to be the causative reason that Theodor Adorno was brought to America by the Rockefeller Foundation. Crucial to the intellectual history of media and communication theory, Lazarsfeld invited Adorno not only to develop techniques to inform educational music study, but to strategically formulate advocacy language for the media reform movement to help noncommercial media obtain frequency licenses. The limits and pressures exerted by the FCC Pursuant influenced the trajectory of the PRRP research, and consequently, the methodological investments of Communication Studies.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-31
Author(s):  
Kiani Bismillah

This book review examines The Idea of Israel: A History of Power and Knowledge by Ilan Pappe. As a “new historian” Pappe challenges traditional versions of Israeli history. He illustrates Israel’s creation as a colonial conquest rather than the prevailing national liberation movement. In particular, he examines the role that Zionism has played in shaping dominant political ideology in Israel. Pappe critically evaluates the evolution of Zionism narratives from classical, post-Zionism to neo-Zionism. He successfully illustrates the importance Zionism has played throughout the genesis of Israel by highlighting examples such as the 1947 UN partition resolution, the Holocaust, it’s role in furthering cultural tensions between Israelis and Arabs inhabitants, and presence in the media.


2011 ◽  
Vol 26 (S2) ◽  
pp. 1947-1947
Author(s):  
J. Winceslaus ◽  
A. Furnham

IntroductionThis study explored the unknown psychiatric literacy of the public with regard to the Personality Disorders (PDs).ObjectivesTo find out -i)Whether a lay person recognises the presence of a psychological problem in a person with a PD.ii)What labels lay people give to people living with PDs.iii)How lay people rate the quality of life of people living with PDs.iv)Whether a history of psychological education or illness improves a lay person's ability to identify a PD.AimsTo assess how much work is needed to be done in order to increase public psychiatric literacy to a satisfactory level with regard to the PDs.MethodsA vignette identification methodology was employed. 223 participants responded to the questionnaire Eccentric people’. Results: Lay people recognise people with PDs as being unhappy, unsuccessful at work and as having poor personal relationships, but do not associate these problems with psychological causes. Rates of correct labelling were low; under 7% for 7/10 PDs. History of psychological education and illness were positively correlated with the correct recognition of 70% and 60% of the personality disorders respectively.ConclusionsThe psychiatric literacy of the public with regard to the PDs is low. This raises concerns about the health seeking behaviour and correct diagnosis of sufferers, as well as the stigma attached to them and their social neglect by others. Psychiatric literacy needs to be increased, psychological education achieves this. The media could be an effective tool to increase psychiatric literacy.


Author(s):  
Douglas Foyle

Dramatic changes in the way the public acquires information and formulates its attitudes have potentially altered the opinion and foreign policy relationship. While traditional approaches have treated public opinion on domestic and foreign matters as largely distinct, the culmination of a series of changes may eliminate the effective distinction between foreign and domestic policy, at least in terms of how the American political system operates. All the factors central to the opinion and foreign policy process, such as information acquisition, attitude formation, media effects, the effect of opinion on policy, and presidential leadership now appear to mirror the processes observed at the domestic level. This analysis reviews historical trends in the literature on public opinion and foreign policy that has focused on the rationality of the public’s opinions, the structure of its attitudes, and its influence on foreign policymaking. The traditional Almond-Lippmann consensus portrayed an emotional public with unstructured attitudes and little influence on foreign policy; however, revisionist views have described a reasonable public with largely structured views on foreign policy that can, at times, constrain and even drive those policies. More recently, the rise of “intermestic” issues, contain both domestic and international elements, such as globalization, inequality, terrorism, immigration, and climate change, have interacted to transform the domestic and international context. The bulk of this analysis highlights emerging new research directions that should be pursued in light of the changes. First, scholars should continue to evaluate the “who thinks what and why” questions with particular attention to differences between high- and low-information individuals, the effect of misinformation, and information sources. In doing so, research should build on research from non-American contexts that points to the important influences of societal and institutional factors. In addition to continued examination of traditional demographic factors such as partisanship and ideology, additional attention should turn to consider potential genetic and biological foundations of attitudes. Finally, researchers should continue to evaluate how the new media environment, including social media, affects how the public accesses information, how the media provides information, and how political elites attempt to shape both. Given these changes, scholars should consider whether it continues to make sense to treat public opinion dynamics regarding foreign policy as distinct from domestic policy and its implications.


STADION ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-75
Author(s):  
Alan McDougall

On 15 April 1989, Liverpool FC played Nottingham Forest in an FA Cup semi-final at the Hillsborough Stadium in Sheffield in northern England. Catastrophic errors by the police and other organisations led to the deaths of 96 Liverpool supporters, crushed against the perimeter fences on the Leppings Lane terrace. Though the horrific facts of the disaster were quickly and widely known, they were lost beneath another narrative, promoted by the police, numerous politicians, and large sections of the media. This narrative blamed the disaster on “tanked up yobs”: drunk and aggressive Liverpool supporters, who turned up late and forced their way into the ground. Over the subsequent years and decades, as Hillsborough campaigners vainly sought justice for the disaster’s victims in a series of trials and inquests, the destructive allegation remained in the public realm. It was reinforced by establishment dismissal of Liverpool as a “self-pity city”, home to a community incapable of accepting official verdicts or of leaving the past in the past. This essay uncovers the history of the myths of the Hillsborough disaster. It first shows how these myths were established - how false narratives, with powerful backers, shifted responsibility for the disaster from the police to supporters, despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary. It then examines how these myths were embedded in public discourse - how Liverpool was demonised as an aggressively sentimental city where people refused to admit to “killing their own”. It finally analyses how these myths were overturned through research, media mobilisation, and grassroots activism, a process that culminated in the 2016 inquest verdict, which ruled that the 96 Hillsborough victims were unlawfully killed. In doing so, the essay shows how Hillsborough became a key event in modern British history, influencing everything from stadium design to government legislation.


Al-Farabi ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 154-167
Author(s):  
А. Aitenova ◽  
◽  
S. Kairatuly ◽  

The authors of the article make an attempt to analyze the events that took place on December 17–18, 1986 in the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic, using the methodology of “cultural trauma”. The December events are defined as a multifaceted social and humanitarian problem. It is shown that the December events must be assessed comprehensively as a historical, social, humanitarian phenomenon. The reasons for the December events were determined by the dismissal of Dinmukhamed Akhmedovich Kunayev, the crisis of communist political ideology, the political, economic voluntarism of totalitarian power, the narrowing of the scope of the Kazakh language, the ecological crisis of Soviet Kazakhstan, the emergence of the history of the third generation of the Soviet people. In general, the December events are viewed as an open form of healing the mental wounds of the Kazakh people inflicted by the administrative decisions of the Soviet red empire. Despite the fact that the December events as a social phenomenon are more than a quarter of a century old, the Decembrists and their activity do not leave the agenda in the public consciousness. The importance of using the December events as a universal tool in the formation of various forms of social practice is growing. The conceptualization of this point of view in the article is determined by the representation of the lessons of the December events in contemporary Kazakh art (sculpture, cinema, literature, theater). At the same time, the article also shows that the representation of the December events in art is the form and content of the “healing” of the trauma of the December events.


Author(s):  
Mike S. Schäfer

Climate change communication has a long history in Germany, where the so-called “climate catastrophe” has received widespread public attention from the 1980s onwards. The article reviews climate change communication and the respective research in the country over the last decades. First, it provides a socio-political history of climate change communication in Germany. It shows how scientists were successful in setting the issue on the public and policy agendas early on, how politicians and the media emphasized the climate change threat, how corporations abstained from interventions into the debate and how skeptical voices, as a result, remained marginalized. Second, the article reviews scholarship on climate change communication in Germany. It shows how research on the issue has expanded since the mid-2000s, highlights major strands and results, as well as open questions and ongoing debates.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Boyu Guo

<p>Hacker culture is generally regarded as a subculture, and the public has a high degree of misunderstanding towards hackers. The media reports sometimes depict hackers overly negatively, possibly because hackers could gain a dominant position in the age of information and, therefore, threaten the existing balance of social power distribution. Moreover, those reports, whether intentionally or not, misunderstand the meaning of “hackers”: “Hackers” are people who want to identify and solve problems directly and effectively, but “crackers” are those who cause problems for society.</p>However, it is not merely a problem of media’s misnomer. This research shows that apart from the media distortion of hacker identity, even the hackers with positive intentions still have real potential to become crackers. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to understand why the transition from “hackers” to “crackers” takes place by identifying crucial factors that influence hackers’ behaviors. Specifically, the inherent conflicts between cyberspace and the real world can turn hackers into crackers. Through the research, two major conflicts are identified: the conflict between freedom and responsibility and the conflict between individuality and authority. To support the arguments, the history of hacker culture and specific cases of hacking events are studied and discussed. The research also brings a crucial issue: how do we co-exist with information technology in a society that is increasingly computerized and digitalized? To face this problem, we need to comprehensively understand situations faced by human civilization in the information era. Hacker culture is, therefore, a practical perspective of studying social transformations in the development of technology.


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