scholarly journals Internet jako przestrzeń debaty na temat pluralizmu kulturowego

Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (4(61)) ◽  
pp. 187-205
Author(s):  
Julita Woźniak ◽  
Monika Kopytowska
Keyword(s):  
Hate Crime ◽  
Social Acceptance ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Online Communication ◽  
Cultural Pluralism ◽  
Verbal Abuse ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Polish People ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Eu

Internet as a Space for Debate on Cultural Pluralism. Perception of Online Hate Speech Targeted at Refugees/Economic Migrants Being an online space where members of the society can freely and instantaneously exchange their opinions, the Internet has become an ultra-attractive site for extended socio-political debate. At the same time, however, anonymity and global accessibility have transformed it into a tool facilitating the spread of hateful and radical messages, in particular those exploiting religious, ethnic and cultural differences. While multiculturalism and the “Other” have long been the subject of public debate, within this new mediatized public sphere problems and controversies surrounding them have thus acquired a new dimension. What can be observed is increasing social acceptance of verbal abuse and aggression in online communication, especially when it comes to attacks levelled at various “Others”. The article discusses the problem of multiculturalism and otherness in the Polish context, legal definitions used by the EU in their judgments on online hate speech, as well as the perception of hate speech targeted at refugees and immigrants among Polish people (aged 18-35). Some of the findings presented here are based on analyses conducted within the European project C.O.N.T.A.C.T., exploring various aspects of hate speech and hate crime in ten EU countries.

scholarly journals WHEN UNIVERSITY BECOMES THE ENEMY: HATE SPEECH ATTACKS ON FACEBOOK

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-36
Author(s):  
VIVIANE DE MELO RESENDE ◽  
YARA MARTINELLI ◽  
ERNANI VIANA SARAIVA
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Public Education ◽  
Support Group ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Academic Community ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Visual Composition ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Feminist Movements ◽  
Traditional Communities

The extreme right hate speech propagated currently in Brazil addresses a broad social spectrum, from feminist movements to traditional communities. The academic community and higher education institutions are also targets, as they are identified as poles of democratic resistance. Specific hate speech towards academy in Brazil is the subject of this paper. The persecution of academic community and knowledge itself occurs through the discursive dispute especially on social networks, and thus in this analytical exercise, we looked up at Facebook’s largest bolsonarista’s group – the “Jair Bolsonaro Presidency Support Group”, which brings together 317,000 members. We analyzed the memetic discourse on the page, focusing memes that were published between April and June 2019, thematizing higher public education, and presenting a bimodal verb-visual composition. These criteria led to the collection of 115 memes analyzed with the support of a QDA package. Analysis reveals the disqualification of university institutions and their actors through ironies, negative associations including stereotypes, simplification of debate to the shallower. Students are often associated with nudity as immorality, professors of indoctrination and ridicule, protesters of ignorance, or bad character. Political debate is reduced to extreme left-right polarization, with the criminalization of the left.

scholarly journals Gdy słowo dzieli. Mowa pogardy i nienawiści w relacjach między ludźmi

2021 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 221-239
Author(s):  
Monika Obrębska ◽  
Marcelina Dobrowolska
Keyword(s):  
Social Problem ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Verbal Abuse ◽  
Social Phenomenon ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Sense Of Danger ◽  
Emotional Basis

Hate speech is defined as verbal abuse against minority groups. Its emotional basis is contempt which activates anger and revulsion. Therefore, it seems to be justified to speak of “contempt speech and hate speech” as a spreading social phenomenon, in effect resulting in a generalised deterioration in attitudes toward minorities. The media and public figures play a huge role in promoting hate speech, and it is also fostered by the sense of danger accompanying the COVID-19 pandemic. In order to stop this process, we should start to perceive hate speech as a serious social problem, the conditions and consequences of which should be the subject of reflection and scientific studies.

The Roma in Post-Communist Bulgaria: Growing Social Marginalization and State Policies

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Yorgos Christidis
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Exclusion ◽  
Hate Crime ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Poor Performance ◽  
State Policies ◽  
Social Marginalization ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
The Poor

This article analyzes the growing impoverishment and marginalization of the Roma in Bulgarian society and the evolution of Bulgaria’s post-1989 policies towards the Roma. It examines the results of the policies so far and the reasons behind the “poor performance” of the policies implemented. It is believed that Post-communist Bulgaria has successfully re-integrated the ethnic Turkish minority given both the assimilation campaign carried out against it in the 1980s and the tragic events that took place in ex-Yugoslavia in the 1990s. This Bulgaria’s successful “ethnic model”, however, has failed to include the Roma. The “Roma issue” has emerged as one of the most serious and intractable ones facing Bulgaria since 1990. A growing part of its population has been living in circumstances of poverty and marginalization that seem only to deteriorate as years go by. State policies that have been introduced since 1999 have failed at large to produce tangible results and to reverse the socio-economic marginalization of the Roma: discrimination, poverty, and social exclusion continue to be the norm. NGOs point out to the fact that many of the measures that have been announced have not been properly implemented, and that legislation existing to tackle discrimination, hate crime, and hate speech is not implemented. Bulgaria’s political parties are averse in dealing with the Roma issue. Policies addressing the socio-economic problems of the Roma, including hate speech and crime, do not enjoy popular support and are seen as politically damaging.

A comparative analysis of the lay-friendliness of Danish EU patient information leaflets from 2000 to 2012

2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Inger Askehave ◽  
Karen Korning Zethsen
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Patient Information ◽  
Patient Information Leaflet ◽  
General Interest ◽  
Information Leaflet ◽  
Empirical Results ◽  
Patient Information Leaflets ◽  
Information Leaflets ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Eu

Since becoming mandatory in the EU in 1992, the patient information leaflet (PIL) has been the subject of an on-going discussion regarding its ability to provide easily understandable information. This study examines whether the lay-friendliness of Danish PILs has improved from 2000 to 2012 according to the Danish consumers. A reproduction of a questionnaire study from 2000 was carried out. The responses of the 2012 survey were compared to those of the 2000 survey and the analysis showed that Danes are less inclined to read the PIL in 2012 compared to 2000 and that the general interest in PILs has decreased. The number of respondents who deem the PIL easy to read has gone down. According to Danish consumers, the lay-friendliness of PILs has not improved from 2000 to 2012 and a very likely explanation could be that the PIL as a genre has become far too regulated and complex to live up to its original intentions. On the basis of the empirical results the article furthermore offers suggestions for practice changes.

The state of democracy in the European Union in scenarios: federation, empire and Europe à la carte

2016 ◽  
pp. 90-108
Author(s):  
Marta Witkowska
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Reference Point ◽  
The State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Scenario Development ◽  
Normative Approach ◽  
Norms And Values ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Eu ◽  
A La Carte

The aim of the article is to present possible scenarios on maintaining democracy in the EU, while assuming different hypothetical directions in which it could develop as a federation, empire and Europe à la carte. Selected mechanisms, norms and values of the EU system that are crucial for the functioning of democracy in the European Union are the subject of this research. The abovementioned objective of scenario development is achieved through distinguishing the notions of policy, politics and polity in the research. In the analysis of the state of democracy in the European Union both the process (politics) and the normative approach (policy) have been adopted. The characterised norms, structures, values and democratic procedures in force in the EU will become a reference point for the projected scenarios. The projection refers to a situation when the existing polity transforms into a federation, empire or Europe à la carte. The article is to serve as a projection and is a part of a wider discussion on the future of the basis on which the European Union is build.

After the 2008 Financial Crash

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Hood ◽  
Rozana Himaz
Keyword(s):  
Financial Crisis ◽  
Global Financial Crisis ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Deficit Reduction ◽  
The Eu

This chapter describes the long 2010–15 fiscal squeeze under the first Conservative–Liberal coalition since the early 1920s, in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis and with debt and deficit at levels not seen for four decades or more. It included sharp political debate over timing, depth, and tax/spending balance of fiscal squeeze, with most of the coalition squeeze based on its Labour predecessor’s plans, and the deficit reduction outcome roughly the same as those Labour plans, principally because of shortfall on the revenue side. This episode was marked by a repeat of ‘bear trap’ tactics by the incumbents, and the post-squeeze 2015 election rewarded one party in the coalition, while the other party was heavily punished and so was the Labour Opposition. How far the victory of ‘Vote Leave’ (Brexit) in the 2016 referendum on UK membership of the EU can be attributed to fiscal squeeze is debatable.

scholarly journals Potential Benefits and Constraints of Development of Critical Raw Materials’ Production in the EU: Analysis of Selected Case Studies

Resources ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (7) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Guzik ◽  
Krzysztof Galos ◽  
Alicja Kot-Niewiadomska ◽  
Toni Eerola ◽  
Pasi Eilu ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Social Acceptance ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Ore Deposits ◽  
Abandoned Mines ◽  
Social Constraints ◽  
Cost And Benefit Analysis ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Critical Raw Materials

Major benefits and constraints related to mineral extraction within the EU have been identified on the examples of selected critical raw materials’ deposits. Analyzed case studies include the following ore deposits: Myszków Mo-W-Cu (Poland), Juomasuo Au-Co (Finland), S. Pedro das Águias W-Sn (Portugal), Penouta Nb-Ta-Sn (Spain), Norra Kärr REEs (Sweden) and Trælen graphite (Norway). They represent different stages of development, from the early/grassroot exploration stage, through advanced exploration and active mining, up to reopening of abandoned mines, and refer to different problems and constraints related to the possibility of exploitation commencement. The multi-criteria analysis of the cases has included geological and economic factors as well as environmental, land use, social acceptance and infrastructure factors. These factors, in terms of cost and benefit analysis, have been considered at three levels: local, country and EU levels. The analyzed cases indicated the major obstacles that occur in different stages of deposit development and need to be overcome in order to enable a new deposit exploitation commencement. These are environmental (Juomasuo and Myszków), spatial (Juomasuo) as well as social constraints (Norra Kärr, Juomasuo). In the analyzed cases, the most important constraints related to future deposit extraction occur primarily at a local level, while some important benefits are identified mainly at the country and the EU levels. These major benefits are related to securing long-term supplies for the national industries and strategically important EU industry sectors.

The present and future competence of the European Union in the Arctic

Polar Record ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 361-371 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timo Koivurova ◽  
Kai Kokko ◽  
Sebastien Duyck ◽  
Nikolas Sellheim ◽  
Adam Stepien
Keyword(s):  
International Negotiations ◽  
The Arctic ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Crucial Importance ◽  
Arctic Council ◽  
The Third ◽  
Broad Array ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Arctic Policy ◽  
The Eu

ABSTRACTThe European Union's (EU's) intention of becoming a permanent observer in the Arctic Council and the reluctance of Arctic actors to grant it that status have made the union's aspirations in the Arctic the subject of a continuing debate. The discussion appears to be dominated by geographical considerations and the EU's gradually emerging Arctic policy. This article puts forward a different view of the EU's presence in the region, one drawing on an analysis of relevant EU competences. As a complex international actor, the EU has acquired a broad array of decision-making powers from its member states, powers that partly extend to Iceland and Norway via the EEA Agreement. Moreover, the EU has in many cases become a relevant actor in international negotiations and treaty making processes the outcomes of which are of crucial importance for the governance of the Arctic. Our argument in the third and concluding section is that only by including the EU in Arctic governance can the international community provide better prospects for the union to sensitise its policies and discourses to the Arctic realities and for other Arctic actors to understand how the union functions. This argument is supported by an analysis of the EU's restrictions on the import of seal products and the ensuing litigation.

scholarly journals Emotionally Informed Hate Speech Detection: A Multi-target Perspective

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Chiril ◽  
Endang Wahyu Pamungkas ◽  
Farah Benamara ◽  
Véronique Moriceau ◽  
Viviana Patti
Keyword(s):  
Hate Speech ◽  
Binary Classification ◽  
Online Communication ◽  
Vulnerable Groups ◽  
Speech Detection ◽  
Social Media Platforms ◽  
Sentic Computing ◽  
Specific Manifestation ◽  
The Impact ◽  
First Time

AbstractHate Speech and harassment are widespread in online communication, due to users' freedom and anonymity and the lack of regulation provided by social media platforms. Hate speech is topically focused (misogyny, sexism, racism, xenophobia, homophobia, etc.), and each specific manifestation of hate speech targets different vulnerable groups based on characteristics such as gender (misogyny, sexism), ethnicity, race, religion (xenophobia, racism, Islamophobia), sexual orientation (homophobia), and so on. Most automatic hate speech detection approaches cast the problem into a binary classification task without addressing either the topical focus or the target-oriented nature of hate speech. In this paper, we propose to tackle, for the first time, hate speech detection from a multi-target perspective. We leverage manually annotated datasets, to investigate the problem of transferring knowledge from different datasets with different topical focuses and targets. Our contribution is threefold: (1) we explore the ability of hate speech detection models to capture common properties from topic-generic datasets and transfer this knowledge to recognize specific manifestations of hate speech; (2) we experiment with the development of models to detect both topics (racism, xenophobia, sexism, misogyny) and hate speech targets, going beyond standard binary classification, to investigate how to detect hate speech at a finer level of granularity and how to transfer knowledge across different topics and targets; and (3) we study the impact of affective knowledge encoded in sentic computing resources (SenticNet, EmoSenticNet) and in semantically structured hate lexicons (HurtLex) in determining specific manifestations of hate speech. We experimented with different neural models including multitask approaches. Our study shows that: (1) training a model on a combination of several (training sets from several) topic-specific datasets is more effective than training a model on a topic-generic dataset; (2) the multi-task approach outperforms a single-task model when detecting both the hatefulness of a tweet and its topical focus in the context of a multi-label classification approach; and (3) the models incorporating EmoSenticNet emotions, the first level emotions of SenticNet, a blend of SenticNet and EmoSenticNet emotions or affective features based on Hurtlex, obtained the best results. Our results demonstrate that multi-target hate speech detection from existing datasets is feasible, which is a first step towards hate speech detection for a specific topic/target when dedicated annotated data are missing. Moreover, we prove that domain-independent affective knowledge, injected into our models, helps finer-grained hate speech detection.

The Making of a President: The European Parliament and the Confirmation of Jacques Santer as President of the Commission

1996 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Hix ◽  
Christopher Lord
Keyword(s):  
European Parliament ◽  
The Other ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Shared Meanings ◽  
Single European Act ◽  
The One ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
The Eu

THE SINGLE EUROPEAN ACT AND THE MAASTRICHT TREATY attempted to balance two principles of representation in their redesign of the institutional structures of the European Union: the one, based on the indirect representation of publics through nationally elected governments in the European Council and Council of Ministers; the other, based on the direct representation of publics through a more powerful European Parliament. There is much to be said for this balance, for neither of the two principles can, on its own, be an adequate solution at this stage in the development of the EU. The Council suffers from a non-transparent style of decision-making and is, in the view of many, closer to oligarchic than to democratic politics. On the other hand, the claims of the European Parliament to represent public sentiments on European integration are limited by low voter participation, the second-order nature of European elections and the still Protean nature of what we might call a transnational European demos. The EU lacks a single public arena of political debate, communications and shared meanings; of partisan aggregation and political entrepreneurship; and of high and even acceptance, across issues and member states, that it is European and not national majority views which should count in collective rule-making.

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