scholarly journals Mythology of the Law and Justice Party’s Migration Discourse

Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (6(63)) ◽  
pp. 177-195
Author(s):  
Olena Yermakova

The aim of this paper is to contribute to the deconstruction of the migration discourse of the Law and Justice Party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS), looking for mythical structures in it and trying to decode them using discourse analysis. When it comes to migration politics, Poland is one of the most curious andambiguous contemporary cases. Previously predominantly a sending country, asits economy grows Poland is becoming a receiving country, faced with millions of incoming labour migrants. The Polish government lets them in, despite being anti-migrant in its rhetoric, especially when it comes to relocation of refugees within the European Union (EU). Some surveys reveal that countrywide anti-migrant sentiment is a rather new development: Polish attitudes towards immigrants have worsened since mid-2015, that is since the so-called European migration crisis was utilized by Law and Justice in their campaign at the 2015 Polish parliamentary election in order to gain fear-induced support. Therefore, Law and Justice’s migration discourse is fundamental to the study of contemporary Polish migration politics. I have analysed the news, interviews and othe rpublications from the official website of the Law and Justice party (pis.org.pl) over a period between June 2015 and July 2018. Based upon E. Cassirer’s, M. Eliade’s and H. Tudor’s understanding of political myth, I have identified a number of repetitive mythical structures and characteristics of political myths in the Law and Justice’s discourse on migration that can help to better understand Law and Justice’s political and ideological stances.

2019 ◽  
pp. 121-140
Author(s):  
Anita Adamczyk

The purpose of this article is to analyze Polish migration policy after 2015. The author would like to show discrepancies between the political declarations and reality. Its purpose is also to show the position of the Law and Justice government regarding the EU’s policy on solving the migration crisis and Poland’s openness to admitting refugees/immigrants. The article proposes the thesis that the Polish government’s migration policy from 2015–2019 was inconsistent.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 677-692
Author(s):  
Rachael DICKSON

The so-called European migration crisis has sparked significant attention from scholars and raises questions about the role of solidarity between states and the European Union (EU) in providing policy solutions. Tension exists between upholding the rights of those seeking entry and pooling resources between Member States to provide a fair and efficient migration system. This article deconstructs the shifts that have occurred in EU migration policy since 2015 to highlight how narratives of health have become tools of governance. It does so to illuminate how health narratives operate to minimise the impact that conflicts on the nature and substance of EU solidarity have on policy development in response to the perceived crisis. A governmentality lens is used to analyse the implications of increasingly prescribed policy applications based on screening and categorising, and how measures operate to responsibilise migrants and third-countries to act according to EU values. It is argued this approach to governance results in migrants facing legal uncertainty in terms of accessing their rights and excludes them from the EU political space, which is problematic for how EU governance can be understood.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-48
Author(s):  
Onvara Vadhanavisala

Abstract A quarter of a century ago, the Soviet Union dissolved and the Cold War ended. Now the current political era involves a broad challenge to liberal democracy in the European Union. Central European countries such as the Czech Republic, Hungary, the Republic of Poland, and the Slovak Republic (‘the Visegrád Group’) joined the EU in 2004 with the hope that the post-Cold War era would be one of peace and stability in Europe, including (most importantly) the expansion of Europe’s democracy. A turning point came in 2014, however, when the Syrian refugee crisis hit the EU and caused a political ‘about face’. The European refugee and migrant crisis have strengthened right-wing populism among the European countries, including the Visegrád group. Obviously there are certainly similarities between the populist rhetoric of Hungary’s ruling party, Fidesz, and the Law and Justice party (known as PiS) which is governing the Republic of Poland. The two countries appear to be following the same path of becoming ‘illiberal democratic’ states. The templates of authoritarianism which both countries have adopted involve the following: the restriction of civil society and the independence of the media, control of the judiciary and the court system, together with the transformation of the constitutional framework and electoral law in order to consolidate power. This paper analyses two examples of authoritarian populist leaders: first, Viktor Orbán, the Prime Minister of Hungary of the Fidesz Party and, second, Jarosław Kaczyński, a leader of the Law and Justice Party (PiS) in Poland. A brief description of each is provided as a background for the discussion which follows.


Author(s):  
Ryszard Zięba

During the years 1989-1991, after a deep transformation of the internal system and the international order in Europe, Poland pursued a sovereign foreign policy. The new policy had the following general goals: 1) to develop a new international security system which would guarantee Poland’s national security; 2) to gain diplomatic support for the reforms conducted in Poland, including primarily the transformation of the economy and its adaption to free market mechanisms, which were designed to result in economic growth; and 3) to maintain and increase the international prestige of Poland and the Poles, who had been the first to commence the struggle to create a democratic civil society in the Eastern bloc. Implementing this new concept of foreign policy, Poland entered the Council of Europe in November 1991. The following year, Warsaw started to strive for membership of NATO, which was achieved in March 1999. A few years later, Polish leaders pursued policies in which Poland played the role of a “Trojan horse” for the USA. This was manifested most clearly during the Iraqi crisis of 2003, and in the following years, particularly in 2005-2007. From spring 1990 Poland aspired to integration with the European Community; in December of the following year it signed an association agreement, which fully entered into force in February 1994. In the period 1998-2002 Poland negotiated successfully with the European Union and finally entered this Union in May 2004. In subsequent years Poland adopted an Eurosceptic and sometimes anti-EU position. The new Polish government, established after the parliamentary election of autumn 2007, moved away from an Eurosceptic policy and pursued a policy of engagement with European integration.


Defendologija ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (43-44) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nataša Marić

Consequences of migration flows have put international migrationat the top of international, regional and national security agenda. Migrationflows are not a new phenomenon in Europe however characteristics ofthe current European Migration Crisis lay firm ground for a unprecedentedcrisis. Migration divided Europe along geographical and cultural lines. Eventhought the Migration Crisis does not directly impact the five EU securitythreats, the mismanagement of the phenomenon and disagreement over thestrategies of resolution resulted into a self-induced humanitarian crisis that asa consequence poses threat to European Union Security. In order to eliminatepossible threats posed by the Migration Crisis, European Union will have tolook towards the source of migration flows. Failing to resolve the problem atsource could pose a greater threat to global security and imminently to the securityof the European Union and its periphery. Therefore migrations impactinternational, regional and national environments, however they representan indirect threat to security only if the process is not handled through adequatestrategies.


Author(s):  
Maxim V. Fomenko ◽  
◽  
Anfisa E. Kriuchkova ◽  

The article is devoted to the impact of the epidemiological situation in the countries of the European Union in connection with the coronavirus COVID-19 pandemic on the migration policy of the integration association. Based on the analysis of documents and statistical materials, the author identified the key factors that determine the transformation of European migration policy at the present stage. In addition to that the author put forward the idea of the EU maintaining the course for the implementation of a set of measures taken in this area before the beginning of the pandemic. The article analyzes some of the consequences of the migration crisis of 2015-2016. Some documents adopted in the EU during and after the migration crisis are cited. A critical understanding of the "open door policy" is given. After the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the EU countries faced a new challenge. The global lockdown put tens of thousands of migrants in a vulnerable position in EU countries awaiting status. Despite the fact that the primary tasks of accommodating and helping migrants at the beginning of the pandemic were solved, it is worth noting that the European Union did not show proper coordination of actions. For example, a comprehensive approach to the formation of a unified migration policy has not yet been developed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Mega Nisfa Makhroja

Abstract  This paper analyzes the policy of the Polish government in responding to the migration crisis in Europe. The Polish government decided not to accommodate more refugees from Africa and the Middle East for reasons of national security. The homogeneous character of society will be disturbed by massive waves of migration. On the other hand, as a member of the European Union, Poland has an obligation to follow the scheme of the distribution of refugee quota to his country. Using the securitization analysis of non-traditional security issues, this research will describe the securitization process that starts with securitizing actors, speech acts, existential threats, referent objects, audiences, and functional actors. The securitization process is carried out by constructing an issue that was not originally a security issue to a security issue. The findings of this study indicate that the Polish government's policy of rejecting refugees is a form of securitization of the issue of migration as a threat to its national security.    


Society ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Volker M. Heins

AbstractIn the field of migration politics, a dominant rhetoric argues that liberal immigration and asylum policies must be avoided because they will inevitably lead to anti-immigration backlashes that exacerbate the very conditions they were supposed to remedy. Drawing on the work of German sociologist Heinrich Popitz and empirical data on the aftereffects of the European migration crisis, the article criticizes this “rhetoric of reaction” (Albert Hirschman) for ignoring the many variables shaping the consequences of more open borders. Backlashes to immigration are real and pose a constraint for liberal immigration policies, but these backlashes are not necessarily politically successful. Societies react neither uniformly nor automatically to rising immigration. A critical variable is the fear engendered by the (real, expected, or imagined) arrival of large numbers of migrants, and this fear can be either ramped up to paranoid levels or calmed by a politics of hope aimed at restoring what Popitz called the “human openness to the world.”


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 111-115
Author(s):  
Сергей Пузырев ◽  
Sergey Puzyrev

Since spring 2015, the situation with forced migration in the European Union has become perceived in terms of the crisis, which determined the need to develop a European migration program in 2015 to resolve current, medium-term and long-term tasks in this area. These operational measures determined the need for amendments to the annual budget of the Union for 2015 and laid the foundations for increasing the expenditure budget of the EU in 2016 and 2017. The article presented an analysis of the migration situation and budget management of the European Union from 2015 to 2017. With the objectives of identifying the patterns of development of the EU budget policy in the aspect of the long-term management of the European migration crisis.


Terminology ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-55
Author(s):  
Jessica Mariani

Abstract ‘Migration’ has recently become a single domain for specialized terminology in the European Union, linked to the crisis which has been rapidly unfolding in Europe since 2015. The migration crisis, with the dramatic increase in arrivals of migrants in Europe, has highlighted the uncertainty of institutional classifications used to describe and manage migration flows. What is a migrant in the EU Institutions and how is the term refugee or asylum seeker respectively classified? The present study delves into Migration from a terminological perspective and investigates how migrants have been mirrored through terminology in institutional texts from 1950 to 2016 by analyzing two sets of corpora: the European Migration Network glossaries (EMN) of the European Commission and the EU database of official legislative text, EUR-lex EN 2/16. This paper aims to show how migration phenomena can be narrated through the lens of terminology and how term choice plays a vital role in making an impact in the representation of migrants and refugees in political institutions and society.


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