scholarly journals Wishful thinking. The attitude of Polish government towards immigration after 2015

2019 ◽  
pp. 121-140
Author(s):  
Anita Adamczyk

The purpose of this article is to analyze Polish migration policy after 2015. The author would like to show discrepancies between the political declarations and reality. Its purpose is also to show the position of the Law and Justice government regarding the EU’s policy on solving the migration crisis and Poland’s openness to admitting refugees/immigrants. The article proposes the thesis that the Polish government’s migration policy from 2015–2019 was inconsistent.

Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (6(63)) ◽  
pp. 177-195
Author(s):  
Olena Yermakova

The aim of this paper is to contribute to the deconstruction of the migration discourse of the Law and Justice Party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS), looking for mythical structures in it and trying to decode them using discourse analysis. When it comes to migration politics, Poland is one of the most curious andambiguous contemporary cases. Previously predominantly a sending country, asits economy grows Poland is becoming a receiving country, faced with millions of incoming labour migrants. The Polish government lets them in, despite being anti-migrant in its rhetoric, especially when it comes to relocation of refugees within the European Union (EU). Some surveys reveal that countrywide anti-migrant sentiment is a rather new development: Polish attitudes towards immigrants have worsened since mid-2015, that is since the so-called European migration crisis was utilized by Law and Justice in their campaign at the 2015 Polish parliamentary election in order to gain fear-induced support. Therefore, Law and Justice’s migration discourse is fundamental to the study of contemporary Polish migration politics. I have analysed the news, interviews and othe rpublications from the official website of the Law and Justice party (pis.org.pl) over a period between June 2015 and July 2018. Based upon E. Cassirer’s, M. Eliade’s and H. Tudor’s understanding of political myth, I have identified a number of repetitive mythical structures and characteristics of political myths in the Law and Justice’s discourse on migration that can help to better understand Law and Justice’s political and ideological stances.


Author(s):  
Galina Voronenkova ◽  
Julia Islanova

Starting from 2013, the authors of “Der Spiegel” have been actively criticizing the policy of the Chancellor Merkel for inaction in the conditions of an increasing number of migrants from Middle Eastern countries. At the same time, the main opponents of the Chancellor were also criticized for their trying to pull away from the increasing migration problem and to absolve themselves of responsibility for migrants rushing deep into Europe, recalling the terms of the Dublin Regulation. The situation changed in 2015 when Angela Merkel not only recognized the ongoing crisis, but opened the borders of Germany for hundreds of thousands of illegal migrants. Unlike Merkel`s political opponents and even many party fellows, “Der Spiegel” supported the Chancellor for her readiness to jeopardize her political career to save European humanistic values. However, it soon became obvious that the Chancellor`s magnanimity wasn`t based on a precise plan for integration. Despite the authors of “Der Spiegel” who like Merkel considered Germany to be the heart of human and hospitable Europe, the center of tolerance, they had to admit that the uncontrolled stream of refugees turned to be a serious threat for the economy, social peace and national security. In 2017, it became obvious that Merkel changed the direction of her migration policy for a more pragmatic one aimed to control the illegal migration, to limit the migration stream from Middle Eastern countries, to develop the system of revealing and deporting illegal migrants. “Der Spiegel” regarded this as her readiness to change her own position according to the political circumstances in favor of the political rating. This led to disappointment and a new wave of criticism.


Author(s):  
Aleksei Aleksandrovich Matveev

This article is dedicated to migration security, which is viewed within the paradigm of sustainable development and as part of the global security system. The author attempts to reveal the mechanisms and principles that define the effect of migration security upon the political and social stability of the countries in the period of migration crisis. The role actors in achieving sustainable development through the discourse of global security is determined. For solving the set tasks, the article employs comparative and systematic approaches. The key factors of the global security system are identified. An assessment is given to migration processes and their impact upon the goals of sustainable development. The author carries out the analysis of the current European migration policy. The relevance and novelty of this article are substantiated by the the philosophical discourse of migration security and synergy, encompassing the global social security system; whereas this question has been previously studied with focus on the legal, demographic, ethnic, or economic aspects. Analysis is also conducted on the the stage-by-stage mechanisms of migration security implemented by the political regimes of majority of the developed democratic countries. Description is given to the three-tier system of interaction of agents in implementation of migration security. The author examines the content and attitude towards migrants in the EU border countries, and the impact of structural violence in society within the “own/alien” discourse. An alternate solution for solving the dilemma of social tension and retaining  the “thread of governance” in the question of mobility of the citizens is offered. The analysis is given to the Global Compact for Migration, its capabilities, and shortcomings. The author also provides a philosophical understanding of migration security.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 85-108
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Pacek

The migration crisis of 2015 has left its mark on many EU countries. Some, such as Greece or Spain, were countries on the front line. Others, namely Germany, Great Britain, and Sweden became destination countries for many newcomers. Some, like the countries of the Visegrad Group, opposed the actions and decisions of the EU made in the face of the crisis. European solidarity has become a big question mark and we can observe a serious upsetting of the whole integration project which is, of course, up for discussion. This state of affairs consisted of the attitudes towards the crises of such countries as Poland or Hungary, where anti-immigration and populist parties came to power, creating a vision of flexible solidarity on the European political scene. The purpose of this article is to analyse the Polish migration policy, show the direction of the changes in its construction along with the change of government and the societal reaction to strangers, as a direct result of actions taken by the ruling parties. It is important to understand the political, economic and social context of the changes occurring in the social consciousness and to attempt to formulate a forecast for the future.


2022 ◽  
pp. 52-69
Author(s):  
Kateryna Tryma ◽  
Kostyantyn Balabanov ◽  
Natalia Pashyna ◽  
Olena Hilchenko

The current migration crisis has far-reaching challenges for EU countries. Global migration is forcing countries to completely reconsider their migration policies, the effectiveness of control, and the integration of migrants. As one of the EU's leading countries, Germany is the biggest lobbyist for the establishment of a common migration policy in the EU. This chapter contributes to the academic discussion on establishing a single mechanism for managing migration flows in the European Union. The analysis confirms that EU countries are faced with the need to find new ways to resolve the migration crisis. In this direction, Germany has become the country where one can trace the uniqueness of the political phenomenon of integration of migrants into the host community as a measure to overcome the migration crisis. The evidence reveals the growth of threats for national, regional, and international security caused by the growing migration crisis and transformation of the policy of integration of migrants in Germany under the influence of this factor.


2021 ◽  
pp. 33-57
Author(s):  
Bela Y. Zhelitski ◽  

Following a brief description of the unprecedented waves of migration flowing into Europe from the Middle East and Africa, the author analyses the migration policy of the European Union and Hungary's attitude towards this policy between 2014 and 2019. The study centers on the positions, views, and specific actions of the leadership of the European Commission and the political class of Hungary, as well as the relations between them. The main approaches of the parties towards solving the problems of the migration crisis and the differences between them on key issues of migration policy, which at times turned into confrontations between Budapest and Brussels, are shown. Particular attention is given to the circumstances that led to the EU migration crisis.


2018 ◽  
pp. 57-72
Author(s):  
Adrian Chojan

The aim of this study is to analyse Polish-German relations during the periods of the rule of the Law and Justice party (from 2005 to 2007 and from 2015 until now), and to indicate the key elements of continuity and changes in Poland’s foreign policy towards its western neighbour. The main thesis is the conclusion that the Federal Republic of Germany is an example of the dominant state in the political thought of the Law and Justice party. It is part of the concept of the so-called external enemy against which a determined and consistent foreign policy must be pursued.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (6(63)) ◽  
pp. 167-175
Author(s):  
Ludovica Grossi

The Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration is, as The Economist described it in a recent column by Tom Nuttall, a dull piece of reading. At best, stressed Nuttal, it helps build the trust between sending and receiving countries that is the foundation of any meaningful international policy.Then how did a non-binding, declaratory intergovernmental agreement becamea crucial part of the political discourse in a considerable number of EU countries, effectively leading to the withdrawal of several governments from the Compact? The upheaval caused by the adoption of the Compact (which hadalready been discussed and agreed upon by all signatory governments in July, before becoming a token for nationalist propaganda) has once again demonstrated the inability of the EU to grow towards a sensitive migration policy, and the recklessness of many governments in refusing to engage in a reasonable conversation with other international actors in favour of a political line led by sensationalism and misinformation. The aim of this research paper is to map thedevelopment of the debate over the Global Compact in Italy building up to its abstention during the Marrakesh Conference on December 10th-11th. The research focuses on the main actors of the current political discourse in Italy, their inaccuracy and deliberate ambiguity in addressing concerns over the Compactduring Parliamentary sessions and through the mass media, and the failure of the opposition, together with civil society, to leverage a valid counterargument to the growing hysteria about the migration crisis. The expected outcomes are the identification of common patterns in the nationalist discourse in Italy and the advancement of possible new practices to effectively foster a consistent, level-headed conversation about migration management that steers away from sterile symbolism and responsibly addresses community issues at the national and EU levels.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-115
Author(s):  
Mikhail S. Guzhev ◽  
Maria S. Semenova

The importance of studying migration processes is due to their massive, regular nature, the impact on the political and social environment of the host countries. Often, a poorly thought out, inconsistent and generally ineffective immigration policy leads to problems in the host countries, reduces the quality of life of the indigenous population, thus creating a split in society, which may result in increasing migrant phobia, xenophobia, etc. A particularly striking example of this situation can serve as some countries of the European Union, in particular, Germany and France. The populations of these countries account for one of the largest shares of migrants not only in Europe, but throughout the world. Of particular research interest is the change in the political preferences of the voters in favor of the forces advocating a rigid migration policy. Within the framework of the systematic and historical-descriptive approaches, the electoral processes in Germany and France were analyzed during the period of the most intense manifestation of the migration problem. It was found that in parallel with the migration crisis in the host countries, a reshuffling of political forces is rapidly taking place: lesser-known political leaders, parties, movements not only appear on the political arena, but quickly gain voters’ support, starting to determine immigration policy. There is a clear relationship between anti-immigration slogans and the entry into the arena of Germany and France of right-wing parties, which are fundamentally changing the political alignment of forces and their political course as a whole. Supporters of the right-wing political persuasion quickly gained popularity at the peak of the migration crisis, but with this problem fading into the background, the need for these political forces began to decrease. As a result of the study, the hypothesis that the migration problem is one of the key factors in the alignment of political forces in Germany and France was confirmed.


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