scholarly journals Twenty Years of Poland's Euro-Atlantic Foreign Policy

2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryszard Zięba
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Eastern Bloc ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Market Mechanisms ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
The Usa ◽  
General Goals ◽  
Polish Government

During the years 1989-1991, after a deep transformation of the internal system and the international order in Europe, Poland pursued a sovereign foreign policy. The new policy had the following general goals: 1) to develop a new international security system which would guarantee Poland’s national security; 2) to gain diplomatic support for the reforms conducted in Poland, including primarily the transformation of the economy and its adaption to free market mechanisms, which were designed to result in economic growth; and 3) to maintain and increase the international prestige of Poland and the Poles, who had been the first to commence the struggle to create a democratic civil society in the Eastern bloc. Implementing this new concept of foreign policy, Poland entered the Council of Europe in November 1991. The following year, Warsaw started to strive for membership of NATO, which was achieved in March 1999. A few years later, Polish leaders pursued policies in which Poland played the role of a “Trojan horse” for the USA. This was manifested most clearly during the Iraqi crisis of 2003, and in the following years, particularly in 2005-2007. From spring 1990 Poland aspired to integration with the European Community; in December of the following year it signed an association agreement, which fully entered into force in February 1994. In the period 1998-2002 Poland negotiated successfully with the European Union and finally entered this Union in May 2004. In subsequent years Poland adopted an Eurosceptic and sometimes anti-EU position. The new Polish government, established after the parliamentary election of autumn 2007, moved away from an Eurosceptic policy and pursued a policy of engagement with European integration.

scholarly journals FOREIGN POLICY OF UKRAINE UNDER CURRENT CHALLENGES OF GLOBAL AND REGIONAL SECURITY

2018 ◽  
pp. 61-67
Author(s):  
Anna Taranenko
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
Security Analysis ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
The European Union ◽  
International Conflicts ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Current State ◽  
Current Stage

Foreign policy as one of the key areas for the functioning of sovereign states is designed to protect their national interests and promote maintenance of the welfare of the population. For Ukraine, such vectors of foreign policy as European, Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian, Middle Eastern, and Asian are traditionally important. One of the main vectors of Ukraine's foreign policy at the current stage is integration into the European Union. At the same time, an extremely important task for Ukrainian diplomacy is countering Russian aggression, protection of the population in the East of the state and in the Crimea and the soonest possible resolution of the conflict in the Donbas region. Consequently, this topic is of considerable interest, and it is worth examining in detail the current state of Ukraine's foreign policy, in particular, in view of the current challenges of global and regional security. Analysis of foreign and Ukrainian sources on this topic indicates the interest of researchers in matters of foreign policy of Ukraine, as well as international conflicts and their settlement. The purpose of this article is to study the current state of Ukraine's foreign policy in the context of the current challenges of global and regional security. Based on the analysis, it was determined that at the current stage there is sufficient potential for further development of Ukraine's foreign policy, in particular in view of the current challenges of global and regional security. On the basis of the analysis, one can arrive at conclusions that among the successes of Ukraine's foreign policy in recent years one can mention withstanding Russian aggression, introduction of a visa-free regime with the European Union, further deepening of cooperation within the framework of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement and deepening of Euro-Atlantic integration. At the same time, it is necessary to strengthen the effective use of the foreign policy resource to efficiently respond to the challenges of global and regional security. There are further prospects for research related to the effective resolution of international conflicts at the current stage.

Poland and the European Union

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ireneusz Paweł Karolewski ◽  
Maciej Wilga
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Eastern Bloc ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Eu Foreign Policy ◽  
Membership Application ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
Council Presidency ◽  
The Eu

Multifaceted in its character, the relationship between Poland and the European Union is now more than a quarter of a century old. After the breakdown of the Eastern bloc, Poland signed the Association Agreement with the then European Communities in December 1991, which led up to an EU membership application three years later. Not yet a member, the country had some impact on the Union in the Nice Treaty negotiations (2000–2001), as well as on the European Constitutional Convention proceedings (2001–2003). After a successful EU membership referendum in 2003, reflecting a great deal of societal support, Poland, along with nine other newcomers, became a fully-fledged member of the EU. Once within the bloc, Warsaw was at pains to develop a more coherent EU policy, as it often changed its positions between more collaborative approaches and veto threats, but also absolving a successful rotating EU Council presidency in 2011. The country collaborated with other member states in Central and Eastern Europe—in the Visegrád framework and with the older member states—through the Weimar Triangle, for example, however with sometimes mixed results. Poland has prioritized a number of issues in the EU such as the energy sector, security and defense, and the Eastern partnership, the latter focusing on the EU Eastern neighbors, including Ukraine and Belarus. In particular, during the Ukraine-Russia conflict of 2014–2015, Poland was one of most active actors in the EU foreign policy. However, since 2015 Poland has become a subject of controversy within the EU, regarding the rule of law standards that were criticized by the European Commission and Warsaw’s rejection of a relocation scheme in the EU refugee and migrant policy.

Oil Imports

1983 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 255-268
Author(s):  
Markus Fritz
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Eastern Bloc ◽  
Scale Production ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Nuclear War ◽  
Oil Reserves ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Oil Embargo

While the Eastern bloc countries (in particular the USSR) are self-sufficient (i.e. non-vulnerable) in terms of energy (a basic prerequisite for state existence) at least up to the turn of the century, the Western democracies cannot survive on their own reserves of energy, on which their economies and infrastructures are primarily based. This is especially true for the USA. In case of an oil embargo (as happened almost a decade ago), if the US oil reserves are subsequently depleted, at least the US transportation system (based almost completely on oil) could break down, and with it micro- and macroeconomic supply of the country. This has never occurred in history before, but it may happen tomorrow, showing kore devastating consequences than any nuclear war. The only way out of this ‘vicious circle’ is the large-scale production of synfuels from domestic coal and oil shale reserves. This however, requires a political strategy which is excluded from daily politics and not dependent on free market forces only.

scholarly journals Prospects for North Korean Regime and the Interests of Russia

2019 ◽  
pp. 16-26
Author(s):  
Valeriy Denisov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Political System ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
Market Mechanisms ◽  
North East ◽  
Kim Jong Il ◽  
The Usa

The paper deals with the dynamics of home and foreign policy of North Korea under Kim Jong-un leadership, especially in last several years. Analyzed are new trends in and prospects for the development of the situation on the Korean Peninsula in the context of North Korea transformation into a full-fledged nuclear state. The author considers the return to party-centered political system (instead of total militarization under Kim Jong-il) as well as cautious economic reforms including introduction of some market mechanisms and attempts aimed at formation of basics of innovative economics. Factors hampering the development of the country, in particular, various economic sanctions, are also discussed, as well as prospects for diplomatic dialogue of North Korea with countries on North-East Asia. Contact between the leaders of North Korea and the USA are touched upon. The problem of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is critically considered. In conclusion, possible directions of cooperation between Russia and North Korea are outlined.

scholarly journals O Acordo De Associação Mercosul-União Europeia E A Política Externa Brasileira

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vitória Totti Salgado ◽  
Regiane Nitsch Bressan
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Economic Integration ◽  
Economic Liberalization ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Brazilian Government ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Right

O objetivo do artigo é analisar as negociações do Acordo de Associação entre Mercosul e União Europeia a partir da política externa brasileira. Após 20 anos de negociações, entre avanços e retrocessos, o Acordo entre os blocos regionais foi firmado em julho de 2019. O trabalho busca desvelar e entender as implicações políticas brasileiras para a conclusão do acordo, perpassando os governos Lula (2003-2010), Dilma (2011-2016), Temer (2016-2018) e Bolsonaro (2019-atual). Conclui-se que a mudança dos governos nos países do Mercosul, sobretudo no Brasil, reorientou a postura do bloco nas negociações do Acordo de Associação Mercosul-União Europeia. A ascensão da direita no governo brasileiro e a mudança nas diretrizes de política externa para a liberalização econômica e o realinhamento com as grandes potências ocidentais, determinaram o posicionamento do Brasil frente às negociações dentre o Mercosul e com a União Europeia, as quais culminaram na conclusão do acordo histórico.Palavras-chave: Política Externa Brasileira, Acordo de Associação Mercosul-União Europeia, Integração Econômica Regional. ABSTRACTThe purpose of the article is to analyze the negotiations on the Association Agreement between Mercosur and the European Union based on Brazilian foreign policy. After 20 years of negotiations, between advances and setbacks, the Agreement between the regional blocs was signed in July 2019. The work seeks to unveil and understand the Brazilian political implications for the conclusion of the agreement, spanning the Lula governments (2003-2010), Dilma (2011-2016), Temer (2016-2018) and Bolsonaro (2019-current). It is concluded that the change of governments in the Mercosur countries, especially in Brazil, reoriented the bloc's stance in the negotiations for the Mercosur-European Union Association Agreement. The rise of the right in the Brazilian government and the change in foreign policy guidelines for economic liberalization and realignment with the great western powers, determined Brazil's position in the face of negotiations between Mercosur and the European Union, which culminated in the conclusion of the historic agreement.Keywords: Brazilian foreign policy, Mercosur-European Union Association Agreement, Regional Economic Integration.

scholarly journals Energy Problems in USA-UE Foreign Policy: Between Independence and Interdependence

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (8) ◽  
pp. 226-235
Author(s):  
O. Khlopov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Cognitive Approach ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Eu

The article is devoted to the study of energy problems in the foreign policy of the EU and the United States. The analysis of the paper is formed on a cognitive approach in analyzing the foreign policy making process and explores the relationship between energy and foreign policy of the EU and the USA. Based on the comparative method, the study races the role of the energy factor in shaping the foreign policy of the European Union and the United States. Although the US is the world's largest hydrocarbon producer and net exporter of energy, mainly due to its shale deposits, the EU remains the world's largest energy importer. This significant difference provides an opportunity to compare the role of energy in the foreign policy process of the two participants with completely different potential for the production and export, mostly of hydrocarbon resources. The author argues that the energy security strategies of both actors are based on interaction of material and ideological factors, but they have different ideas about the interests that generate their foreign policy behavior.

scholarly journals Mythology of the Law and Justice Party’s Migration Discourse

Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (6(63)) ◽  
pp. 177-195
Author(s):  
Olena Yermakova
Keyword(s):  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
The European Union ◽  
New Development ◽  
Political Myth ◽  
The Law ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
Migration Politics ◽  
European Migration

The aim of this paper is to contribute to the deconstruction of the migration discourse of the Law and Justice Party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS), looking for mythical structures in it and trying to decode them using discourse analysis. When it comes to migration politics, Poland is one of the most curious andambiguous contemporary cases. Previously predominantly a sending country, asits economy grows Poland is becoming a receiving country, faced with millions of incoming labour migrants. The Polish government lets them in, despite being anti-migrant in its rhetoric, especially when it comes to relocation of refugees within the European Union (EU). Some surveys reveal that countrywide anti-migrant sentiment is a rather new development: Polish attitudes towards immigrants have worsened since mid-2015, that is since the so-called European migration crisis was utilized by Law and Justice in their campaign at the 2015 Polish parliamentary election in order to gain fear-induced support. Therefore, Law and Justice’s migration discourse is fundamental to the study of contemporary Polish migration politics. I have analysed the news, interviews and othe rpublications from the official website of the Law and Justice party (pis.org.pl) over a period between June 2015 and July 2018. Based upon E. Cassirer’s, M. Eliade’s and H. Tudor’s understanding of political myth, I have identified a number of repetitive mythical structures and characteristics of political myths in the Law and Justice’s discourse on migration that can help to better understand Law and Justice’s political and ideological stances.

scholarly journals European Union integration and the belt and road initiative: A curious case of Serbia

2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-355
Author(s):  
Mihajlo Vucic
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
Accession Process ◽  
The Belt And Road ◽  
The Eu

The topic of this article is the Serbian foreign policy between its main strategic aims - membership in the European Union, and cooperation with China in the framework of the Belt and Road initiative. Serbia bases its foreign policy upon four pillars - the accession process to the EU and three strategic partnerships with great world powers - China, the United States of America, and Russia. However, the accession process to the EU requires from Serbia to strictly follow its obligations from the Stabilization and Association Agreement, Treaty Establishing the Transport Community, and other treaties signed with the EU which might sometimes conflict with project activities from the Belt and Road partnership process. These obligations relate mostly to competition and environmental protection. The author gives the analysis of the main points of possible conflict and indicates a double standard in the EU approach to the Belt and Road initiative. Then he presents arguments that indicate the Belt and Road can serve as a bridge between candidate countries and the EU internal market. The author concludes that although there exist some structural justifications to EU?s skepticism towards the Belt and Road, the best way to overcome them is to insist on political dialogue on many existing levels between the EU and China, with the aim to exchange information between them on EU rules, policies and standards to make sure Chinese investments and other financial activities in Serbia are in accordance with its accession obligations.

Anti-Russian trends in Ukraine's foreign policy

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Igor V. Bocharnikov ◽  
Olga Ovsyannikova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Stage Of Development ◽  
Effective Development ◽  
Ukrainian Society

The article analyzes the main stages of the development of the political subjectivity of Ukraine, its formation as an independent state entity. Geographically located within the historical Old Russian principalities, despite its deep historical roots, nevertheless, it belongs to the category of "young" European states, the independent development of which dates back a little more than 30 years. The collapse of the USSR created the conditions for the development of Ukraine as a sovereign state. Nevertheless, the opportunities provided for the effective development of Ukrainian statehood were not realized. The result of ill-conceived, chaotic transformations was the development of crisis processes in all spheres of life of Ukrainian society. A special stage in the development of modern statehood of Ukraine and the implementation of its anti-Russian foreign policy course was the events related to the coup d'etat in Kiev in February 2014. The protests that began in November 2013, related to the suspension of the signing of the Association Agreement with the European Union, eventually led to mass riots and a coup d'etat in Kiev on February 22–23, 2014. After the coup d'etat, the activities of the Ukrainian leadership that came to power are aimed at forming the image of the enemy in the person of Russia, guilty of all the troubles and troubles, the failed "Ukrainian showcase of Europe". The most significant results of the transformation of Ukraine's statehood that followed the coup d'etat were the destruction of the entire spectrum of bilateral relations and ties with Russia, the construction of an enemy image in Russia, progressive Russophobia, an internal political civilizational split in society, discrimination of the population of Ukraine on linguistic and religious grounds, and other destructive political processes. The influence of negative factors on the situation in Ukraine is significantly aggravated by the presence of a complex of unresolved internal political problems that generate a split in Ukrainian society, instability and escalation of tension and conflict. The article defines the main directions of the current stage of development of the Ukrainian state. The main directions of further escalation of the Ukrainian crisis are identified. The main sources and reasons for the implementation of the anti — Russian trend in Ukraine's foreign policy, the implementation of the concept of Ukraine — "Anti-Russia"are revealed.

scholarly journals Conceptual bases of the strategy of formation and implementation of state policy in the sphere of European integration of Ukraine

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-72
Author(s):  
Valeriі Rіeznikov
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
European Integration ◽  
State Policy ◽  
Policy Formulation ◽  
The State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
The Eu

The newest policy of Ukraine should be to develop such state concepts, strategies and programs that would contribute to the European integration of the country, taking into account the current challenges of today. The purpose of the article is to define the conceptual foundations of the strategy of formation and implementation of state policy in the sphere of European integration of Ukraine in modern conditions. The conceptual framework of the national strategy for the European integration of Ukraine is a general concept of the country’s long-term actions, a certain model of the mission realization and achievement of long-term goals, which defines its development prospects, main directions and priorities of activity in the European integration sphere. Such a generalized European integration concept of Ukraine is reflected in the relevant state documents, laws and by-laws, and within the framework of the state strategy, strategies for development of various spheres, sectors and sectors of economy and public life are developed and implemented in accordance with the existing requirements, rules and regulations of the euro framework documents.A significant event in the European integration of Ukraine into the EU was the introduction of amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine (concerning the strategic course of the state for the acquisition of full membership of Ukraine in the European Union and in the Organization of the North Atlantic Treaty). In addition to the issues related to the implementation of the Association Agreement, further progress on the European integration of Ukraine should also take place in the following areas: associations with the Schengen area; accession to the EU customs union; accession to the EU Energy Union; the entry into force of the common aviation space; joining the digital market, etc.Integration with the EU is an important component of Ukraine’s foreign policy. However, conceptually, European integration should be seen first and foremost as a comprehensive domestic state policy aimed at introducing reforms and transformations that are necessary and important for Ukrainian society, and only then, as a component of foreign state policy, which depends largely on the political will of the EU on the pace and full integration with our country. Thus, the strategy of Ukraine’s integration into the European Union should ensure the country’s accession to the European political, legal, economic, informational and security space. Obtaining full EU membership in the medium term on this basis should become a major foreign policy priority of Ukraine’s policy formulation and implementation policy in the face of contemporary challenges of today.

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