scholarly journals Administrative and Territorial Organization of the State as a Tool of Ethnic Politics:The Example of the Republic of Croatia

Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (5 (68)) ◽  
pp. 239-258
Author(s):  
Mirella Korzeniewska-Wiszniewska

The article focuses on the issue of Croatia’s ethnic policy towards minorities at the level of administrative and territorial organization. It attempts to answer the question whether and to what extent the ethnic and territorial conflict in the 1990s influenced the processes of transformation of the administrative and territorial organization of the state. The Croatian state, given as an example, at the time of declaring its independence in 1991 had to face the threat of territorial disintegration from the Serb minority living in its territory. The Italian minority was also suspected of such tendencies, but it soon turned out that these suspicions were groundless. The Serbian community could, however, threaten the unification of the state, which initially happened as a result of an armed conflict. After its end, fears did not diminish, especially in the face of the changes in territorial borders that took place until the end of the first decade of the 21st century. The threat could be reduced using one of the tools, which was the local government administration and the shape of its territorial units. The Author analyses this issue basing on the projects of Croatian experts dealing with the issues of administrative and territorial organization of the last three decades and at various stages of Croatian statehood, data on demographic changes and laws regulating the functioning of local and regional local governments as well as regulations concerning the position of national minorities in the state.

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-101
Author(s):  
Ante Nazor

This work presents some legal acts passed and initiatives launched by the Croatian government the aim of which was to protect the rights of the national minorities in Croatia and reach an agreement with the representatives of the Serbs in Croatia so as to avoid armed conflict. The facts presented in this work are important in the context of any given analysis about the issue of whether the Serbs were marginalized with the change of government in Croatia in 1990 and whether their armed rebellion was caused by actions made by the Croatian government and President Tuđman or came as a result of careful planning by proponents of the idea of Greater Serbia. We used a number of documents from the archival material of the Republic of Serbian Krajina to show what had been said and written about President Tuđman in the first half of the 1990s by political and military representatives of those Croatian Serbs that rebelled against the Croatian government and participated in the armed aggression against the Republic of Croatia. We describe how the Serb leadership in the temporarily occupied areas of Croatia accused the Croatian government and Franjo Tuđman of conducting criminal and “national-Fascist” policies against the Serbs and present the facts that completely debunk the accusations. These facts include official documents issued and decisions reached by the Croatian government about protecting the national minorities in Croatia during the mandate of President Tuđman. The work ends with the conclusion that the mentioned accusations were launched for the purpose of creating a greater Serbian state by homogenizing the Serbs.


SEEU Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 8-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agon Demjaha

Abstract Inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Macedonians in Macedonia have been rather problematic since the times of former Yugoslavia. After independence, the new constitution of the Republic of Macedonia instead of improving it has further downgraded the position of Albanians and other minorities living in the country. The non-fulfilment of Albanians’ core demands led to an armed conflict in 2001. The Ohrid Agreement has in addition to ending the armed conflict, also provided for a range of legislative and policy measures to improve the position of the Albanians by ensuring equality and minority protection. However, 16 years after the Ohrid Agreement, inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia still remain burdened by prejudice and stereotypes, rather than cooperation and mutual prosperity. The main aim of the paper is to analyse the state of inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia, with special focus on relations between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians. The paper also offers an analysis of main factors that contribute to inter-ethnic tensions in the country and explores possible scenarios in the future. The most relevant part of the paper analyses the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations. The paper claims that similarly to most of the countries in the Western Balkans, inter-ethnic and interstate relations are basically the components of the same equation. The paper concludes that in Macedonia, Kosovo rather than Albania is much more relevant for the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations in Macedonia, and it also offers several reasons to support such thesis. Accordingly, the overall inter-ethnic relations between Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonia heavily depend on inter-state relations between Macedonia and Kosovo and vice versa.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (14) ◽  
pp. 14-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Álvaro Garcés Hidalgo

El presente artículo intenta contribuir al debate sobre las dife- rentes formas de ordenación territorial, que a manera de ejer- cicios de poder están impactando los territorios étnicos en el suroccidente colombiano. En ese orden, se da una mirada crí- tica a diferentes factores que tienen efectos nefastos sobre los territorios y las territorialidades étnicas, entre ellos: el conflicto armado; el narcotráfico y la producción de cultivos de uso ilícito; las propuestas estatales de desarrollo minero, forestal y la puesta en marcha de modelos económicos y territoriales erigidos sobre la lógica de los agronegocios. Lo que se propone es que todos los aspectos anteriores deben ser asumidos como parte fundamental de un análisis sistémico encaminado a comprender el conflicto territorial en esta región; ello, porque históricamente en esta misma área, las minorías étnicas también vienen adelantando sus propios “ordenamientos del territorio”, amparadas, por su- puesto, en las facultades legales establecidas en la Constitución Política, en sus propios usos y costumbres, y en las demás legis- laciones especiales que los cobijan. En resumen, el texto plantea elementos de discusión que buscan generar un acercamiento crí- tico a lo que acontece en esta región de Colombia. The following article intends to contribute to the discussion of the different forms of territorial organization which, evidenc- ing power, are impacting the ethnical territories of Colombian southwest. In this sense, a critical view is presented about the different factors with disastrous effects for the territories and ethnical territorialities. Some of these are the armed conflict, drug trafficking, the production of illicit crops, the State pro- posals for mining and forest development, and the setting up of territorial and economic models based on the logic of agri- businesses. The proposal consists in considering all the previ- ous factors as a fundamental part of a systemic analysis aimed at understanding the territorial conflict in this region because, historically speaking, in this same area, ethnical minorities have been carrying out their own “territorial organizations” and these decisions are supported, of course, by the legal faculties established in the Political Constitution, by their own uses and costumes and by the other special laws that uphold their rights. To sum up, the text sets out some discussion factors that intend to generate a critical approach on what is happening in this re- gion of Colombia.   


2012 ◽  
Vol 81 (4) ◽  
pp. 387-406
Author(s):  
J. Craig Barker

This article examines Raoul Wallenberg’s work as a diplomat in Budapest between June 1944 and January 1945. It suggests that Wallenberg’s legacy was initially very limited as a result of the state-centric approach to the codification of diplomatic law in the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations 1961. Nevertheless, it is argued that the emergence of the so-called “new” diplomacy, coupled with the developing notion of “responsibility to protect” in the face of gross violations of human rights, such as those faced by Wallenberg, have opened up the possibility for diplomats to engage in the process of protecting civilian populations in times of internal strife


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 90-104
Author(s):  
Michał Koziol

The aim of the article is to present the phenomenon of demographic crisis in Latvia and the problem with the broadly incoming Russian minority (often also defined as Eastern or non-native minority), throughout the country. In the face of World War II, Latvia lost its centuries-old multiculturalism, as well as progressive climate and tolerant society. The losses of the indigenous Baltic population reached almost 30%, therefore, with the effects of these events, the Republic of Latvia is struggling to this day using a multi-layered national policy. The characteristics of new actions, the participation of national minorities in the structures of society and the assessment of the effectiveness of implemented modifications are the subject of this study.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Azham Md. Ali ◽  
Ram Al Jaffri Saad, Aryati Juliana Suleman, Ahmad Zamil Abd Khalid ◽  
Juergen Dieter Gloeck

This paper is part of the third and final study conducted on the state of internal audit in the public sector of Malaysia. The first study was concerned with the internal audit operations in the state and local governments found in  Peninsular Malaysia (Azham et al 2007a), while the second study was concerned with internal audit in the nation’s federal government ministries, departments and agencies (Azham et al 2007b). This third study covers 47 organizations at the federal government level, comprising 27 statutory bodies and 20 government-linked companies. From the face-to-face interviews conducted with internal auditors over the three year period 2005 to 2007, several notable audit features emerged as common to all 47 organizations. Some are depressing, while a few others are encouraging. All in all, however, the internal audit function in a majority of the organizations still leaves much to be desired. Also, it is notable that these findings are very much like those of the previous two internal audit studies (Azham et al 2007a; 2007b), and to make sense of the dismal state of the internal audit function in the public organizations, there is perhaps a need to look at the bigger context within which the internal audit function is found.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002200942199791
Author(s):  
Josep Puigsech Farràs

The Politburo of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), with Stalin at its head, began its intervention in Spain in September 1936. From the beginning, Stalin understood very clearly what the logic, goals and mechanisms of Soviet intervention in Spain should be. He approved the Spanish Republican Government’s request for Soviet aid, but one of the Republic’s autonomous regions held surprises. Catalonia proved itself an unpredictable and, at times, undesirable player with respect to the USSR. This was due to a series of idiosyncrasies of the region that were incomparable throughout the Spanish Republic or indeed throughout the rest of Europe, making it necessary to seek unorthodox solutions. The two main focuses were the internal relations of the international communist movement led from Moscow and the interstate political relations between the Republic and the USSR. The dynamics generated were unique at both the Spanish and European level, and led to various hiccups for the Soviet intervention in Spain. On the basis of primary evidence found in Russian archives, this article examines how local dynamics affected, pressurised and shaped an intervention model that was conceived from the perspective of the state, standardisation and centralisation.


Author(s):  
Olena Lisova ◽  
Maxim Shevyakov ◽  
Olena Orlova

The need for effective, capable self-government inevitably faces the need to change the spatial organization of local governments. In turn, the territorial organization of executive bodies also turned out to be far from optimal. In Ukraine, there have been discussions for many years about the reorganization (reform) of the entire system of public power in the country. But they have mainly always concerned the redistribution of powers in the power triangle at the national level: President - Parliament - Government. Since independence, changes have taken place here many times. However, despite the changes taking place in this redistribution at the national level, people living in specific towns and villages continue to face the same problems. To date, not clear enough mechanisms have been implemented to form effective local self-government and territorial organization of government to ensure the provision of high quality and affordable public services, meet the interests of citizens in all spheres of life in the territory, harmonize the interests of the state and local communities, establishing cooperation between the authorities and local governments. Currently, the second stage of decentralization in Ukraine continues in 2020-2021. The Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine has identified the need for further reform process, introduction of decentralization in Ukraine as one of the priorities in the state, which will continue the development of local self-government, territorial communities and in general will enable the growth of Ukraine's economic indicators. In this regard, this article is aimed at studying the state of administrative-territorial reform in Ukraine, as well as outlining areas for improving the legal aspect of decentralization reform in Ukraine, as for further development of the legal framework, to continue the reform requires a number of important laws.


World Science ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (11(51)) ◽  
pp. 38-42
Author(s):  
Наталья Калашникова ◽  
Жулдызай Искакова ◽  
Айсана Кахарман ◽  
Ван Лулу

The Republic of Kazakhstan is a multi-ethnic state, which is home to more than 100 ethnic groups and more than 20 confessions. The study of the main directions of the state ethnic policy of Kazakhstan, the formation of a model of social development, the study of value potential, as well as the identification of new trends consolidating society, is an urgent task for scientists and researchers not only from Kazakhstan, but also from other countries. The article focuses on the modern agenda, the study and development of eth-no-political processes in the country and the world, models of national policy of different countries, its fun-damental and value bases. For Kazakhstan's society, the key role in maintaining stability, strengthening na-tional unity and public agreement is played by the Assembly of people of Kazakhstan, which is a unique socio-political institution with a constitutional status clearly defined by legislative regulation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-80
Author(s):  
Katarina Štrbac ◽  
Duško Tomić

For the first time in the history of humanity, the world encountered a global emergency that showed all the weaknesses of emergency management and the unwillingness of states to respond to that challenge adequately. Although it is evident that the governments in which the state-owned health care system adapted more quickly to the epidemic, it was also apparent that the emergency management was practically on local governments, but also that the states with a clearly defined legal framework and established management systems emergencies are easier to deal with such an emergency. In the Republic of Serbia, there is a legally prescribed procedure for acting in epidemics, which is a sufficient basis for engaging emergency management. The organizational challenges of the epidemic are practically the responsibility of local self-government units, and so far, although the epidemic is still ongoing, according to available data, it seems that they are adequately responding to that challenge. This paper is based on the legal framework analysis for introducing the state of emergency and the practical research of the engagement of local self-governments during the epidemic.


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