Desafíos de los ordenamientos territoriales en Colombia: guerra, narcotráfico, minería y agronegocios en los territorios de comunidades campesinas, negras e indígenas del sur del país

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (14) ◽  
pp. 14-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Álvaro Garcés Hidalgo
Keyword(s):  
Drug Trafficking ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Approach ◽  
Territorial Conflict ◽  
Critical View ◽  
Systemic Analysis ◽  
Fundamental Part ◽  
Territorial Organization

El presente artículo intenta contribuir al debate sobre las dife- rentes formas de ordenación territorial, que a manera de ejer- cicios de poder están impactando los territorios étnicos en el suroccidente colombiano. En ese orden, se da una mirada crí- tica a diferentes factores que tienen efectos nefastos sobre los territorios y las territorialidades étnicas, entre ellos: el conflicto armado; el narcotráfico y la producción de cultivos de uso ilícito; las propuestas estatales de desarrollo minero, forestal y la puesta en marcha de modelos económicos y territoriales erigidos sobre la lógica de los agronegocios. Lo que se propone es que todos los aspectos anteriores deben ser asumidos como parte fundamental de un análisis sistémico encaminado a comprender el conflicto territorial en esta región; ello, porque históricamente en esta misma área, las minorías étnicas también vienen adelantando sus propios “ordenamientos del territorio”, amparadas, por su- puesto, en las facultades legales establecidas en la Constitución Política, en sus propios usos y costumbres, y en las demás legis- laciones especiales que los cobijan. En resumen, el texto plantea elementos de discusión que buscan generar un acercamiento crí- tico a lo que acontece en esta región de Colombia. The following article intends to contribute to the discussion of the different forms of territorial organization which, evidenc- ing power, are impacting the ethnical territories of Colombian southwest. In this sense, a critical view is presented about the different factors with disastrous effects for the territories and ethnical territorialities. Some of these are the armed conflict, drug trafficking, the production of illicit crops, the State pro- posals for mining and forest development, and the setting up of territorial and economic models based on the logic of agri- businesses. The proposal consists in considering all the previ- ous factors as a fundamental part of a systemic analysis aimed at understanding the territorial conflict in this region because, historically speaking, in this same area, ethnical minorities have been carrying out their own “territorial organizations” and these decisions are supported, of course, by the legal faculties established in the Political Constitution, by their own uses and costumes and by the other special laws that uphold their rights. To sum up, the text sets out some discussion factors that intend to generate a critical approach on what is happening in this re- gion of Colombia.   

scholarly journals Administrative and Territorial Organization of the State as a Tool of Ethnic Politics:The Example of the Republic of Croatia

Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (5 (68)) ◽  
pp. 239-258
Author(s):  
Mirella Korzeniewska-Wiszniewska
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
The State ◽  
Territorial Conflict ◽  
Government Administration ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Territorial Organization ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Ethnic Policy

The article focuses on the issue of Croatia’s ethnic policy towards minorities at the level of administrative and territorial organization. It attempts to answer the question whether and to what extent the ethnic and territorial conflict in the 1990s influenced the processes of transformation of the administrative and territorial organization of the state. The Croatian state, given as an example, at the time of declaring its independence in 1991 had to face the threat of territorial disintegration from the Serb minority living in its territory. The Italian minority was also suspected of such tendencies, but it soon turned out that these suspicions were groundless. The Serbian community could, however, threaten the unification of the state, which initially happened as a result of an armed conflict. After its end, fears did not diminish, especially in the face of the changes in territorial borders that took place until the end of the first decade of the 21st century. The threat could be reduced using one of the tools, which was the local government administration and the shape of its territorial units. The Author analyses this issue basing on the projects of Croatian experts dealing with the issues of administrative and territorial organization of the last three decades and at various stages of Croatian statehood, data on demographic changes and laws regulating the functioning of local and regional local governments as well as regulations concerning the position of national minorities in the state.

Al-Ṭabarī's Concept of the Qur'an: A Systemic Analysis

2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrika Mårtensson
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Writing ◽  
The Public ◽  
Systemic Analysis ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Systemic Nature ◽  
The One ◽  
Legal Methodology

This article seeks to define al-Ṭabarī’s concept of the Qur'an by exploring the systemic nature of al-Ṭabarī’s whole scholarly oeuvre, with reference to the political and scholarly context of debates between rationalism and traditionalism, and the development of uṣūl al-fiqh. Drawing on recent research on uṣūl al-fiqh (Vishanoff 2011) and al-Ṭabarī’s own madhhab (Stewart 2004; 2013), it is argued that al-Ṭabarī on the one hand politically agreed with the traditionalist camp regarding the need for written and publicly accessible law, and on the other hand developed his own independent legal methodology and dogma. Because of his basic agreement with traditionalism at the legal-political level, he also aligned with the traditionalist doctrine of the uncreated Qur'an, against the rationalist doctrine of the created Qur'an. Finally, it is demonstrated that al-Ṭabarī defined the uncreated Qur'an's nature in terms of rhetoric, including both grammatical-syntactic and deliberative dimensions. The significance he attributed to rhetoric through the Qur'an is reflected in his legal, exegetical, and ḥadīth methods as well as in his historical writing. Ultimately, al-Ṭabarī’s whole oeuvre was composed to persuade the public about the political need for a written and publicly accessible legal canon.

scholarly journals Humanización y deshumanización: de Laclau, Mouffe y Schmitt al conflicto armado en Colombia / Humanization and dehumanization: from Laclau, Mouffe and Schmitt to the Colombian armed conflict

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-20
Author(s):  
Daniel Arturo Palma Álvarez
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
The Other ◽  
Discourse Theory ◽  
Carl Schmitt ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ernesto Laclau ◽  
Chantal Mouffe ◽  
History Of ◽  
Siglo Xx

ABSTRACTThis paper analyses how dehumanisation presents itself in armed conflicts and tries to demonstrate that, in most cases, the ‘discursive’ and the ‘violent’ coexist so the ‘other’ is a blurred construction that changes according to the context. As a consequence, a clear division between ‘enemy’ and ‘adversary’ cannot be established, so it has to be accepted that this relationship is much more complex. For this analysis, the history of the Colombian armed conflict is revised from the mid-twentieth century, using Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau’s post-structuralist discourse theory, and Carl Schmitt’s concept of the ‘political’.RESUMENEste documento analiza cómo se presenta la deshumanización en los conflictos armados e intenta demostrar que, en la mayoría de los casos, lo ‘discursivo’ y lo ‘violento’ coexisten de modo que el ‘otro’ es una construcción difusa que cambia según el contexto. Como consecuencia, no puede establecerse una división clara entre ‘enemigo’ y ‘adversario’, por lo que debe aceptarse que dicha relación es mucho más compleja. Para esto, se revisa la historia del conflicto armado colombiano desde mediados del siglo XX, usando la teoría posestructuralista del discurso de Chantal Mouffe y Ernesto Laclau, y el concepto de lo ‘político’ de Carl Schmitt.

Identity Politics' Issue In Indonesia Presidential Election 2019

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
Presidential Election Campaign ◽  
Research Analysis

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election

Coevolution

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Avi Max Spiegel
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Islamist Movements

This chapter seeks to understand how Islamist movements have evolved over time, and, in the process, provide important background on the political and religious contexts of the movements in question. In particular, it shows that Islamist movements coevolve. Focusing on the histories of Morocco's two main Islamist movements—the Justice and Spirituality Organization, or Al Adl wal Ihsan (Al Adl) and the Party of Justice and Development (PJD)—it suggests that their evolutions can only be fully appreciated if they are relayed in unison. These movements mirror one another depending on the competitive context, sometimes reflecting, sometimes refracting, sometimes borrowing, sometimes adapting or even reorganizing in order to keep up with the other.

Der Erzieher als Manager

2019 ◽  
Vol 95 (4) ◽  
pp. 517-530
Author(s):  
Diana Lohwasser
Keyword(s):  
Educational Process ◽  
The Other ◽  
Critical View ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
Short Time ◽  
Time Diagnosis

Abstract The Educator as a Manager. A Critical View In the following article tasks and motifs of the educator as manager are described. It is clear that there are other educator metaphors and associated behaviors. To some extent, the actions of the different educator metaphors overlap, but they differ in their purpose and perspective on the educational process and the person to be educated. First, a short time diagnosis is made, which describes the context of this metaphor of the educator as manager. Subsequently, on the one hand, the various motifs, tasks and objectives of an educator as manager are discussed. On the other hand, it is asked if it is possible in the current discourse to take a different perspective on the educational process.

The Political Impact of Affective Polarization: How Partisan Animus Shapes COVID-19 Attitudes

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Druckman ◽  
Samara Klar ◽  
Yanna Krupnikov ◽  
Matthew Levendusky ◽  
John B. Ryan
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
American Politics ◽  
The Other ◽  
Policy Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
Novel Coronavirus ◽  
Citizens Attitudes

Affective polarization is a defining feature of 21st century American politics—partisans harbor considerable dislike and distrust of those from the other party. Does this animus have consequences for citizens’ opinions? Such effects would highlight not only the consequences of polarization, but also shed new light onto how citizens form preferences more generally. Normally, this question is intractable, but the outbreak of the novel coronavirus allows us to answer it. We find that affective polarization powerfully shapes citizens’ attitudes about the pandemic, as well as the actions they have taken in response to it. However, these effects are conditional on the local severity of the outbreak, as the effects decline in areas with high caseloads—threat vitiates partisan reasoning. Our results clarify that closing the divide on important issues requires not just policy discourse but also attempts to reduce inter-partisan hostility.

Современный образ войны и проблема ее трасформации

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
D. A. Abgadzhava ◽  
A. S. Vlaskina
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Social Progress ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
The Past ◽  
Advanced Technologies ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Boundaries ◽  
Modern War

War is an essential part of the social reality inherent in all stages of human development: from the primitive communal system to the present, where advanced technologies and social progress prevail. However, these characteristics do not make our society more peaceful, on the contrary, according to recent research and reality, now the number of wars and armed conflicts have increased, and most of the conflicts have a pronounced local intra-state character. Thus, wars in the classical sense of them go back to the past, giving way to military and armed conflicts. Now the number of soldiers and the big army doesn’t show the opponents strength. What is more important is the fact that people can use technology, the ideological and informational base to win the war. According to the history, «weak» opponent can be more successful in conflict if he has greater cohesion and ideological unity. Modern wars have already transcended the political boundaries of states, under the pressure of certain trends, they are transformed into transnational wars, that based on privatization, commercialization and obtaining revenue. Thus, the present paper will show a difference in understanding of terms such as «war», «military conflict» and «armed conflict». And also the auteurs will tell about the image of modern war and forecasts for its future transformation.

MECHANISMS FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF ENVIRONMENTAL TAXES AND INSURANCE

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (13) ◽  
pp. 121-130
Author(s):  
Anatolii Petrovich Mykolaiets
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Production Management ◽  
National Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Representation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Environmental Taxes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
Natural Form

It is noted that from the standpoint of sociology, “management — a function of organized systems of various nature — (technical, biological, social), which ensures the preservation of their structure, maintaining a certain state or transfer to another state, in accordance with the objective laws of the existence of this system, which implemented by a program or deliberately set aside”. Management is carried out through the influence of one subsystem-controlling, on the other-controlled, on the processes taking place in it with the help of information signals or administrative actions. It is proved that self-government allows all members of society or a separate association to fully express their will and interests, overcome alienation, effectively combat bureaucracy, and promote public self-realization of the individual. At the same time, wide direct participation in the management of insufficiently competent participants who are not responsible for their decisions, contradicts the social division of labor, reduces the effectiveness of management, complicates the rationalization of production. This can lead to the dominance of short-term interests over promising interests. Therefore, it is always important for society to find the optimal measure of a combination of self-management and professional management. It is determined that social representation acts, on the one hand, as the most important intermediary between the state and the population, the protection of social interests in a politically heterogeneous environment. On the other hand, it ensures the operation of a mechanism for correcting the political system, which makes it possible to correct previously adopted decisions in a legitimate way, without resorting to violence. It is proved that the system of social representation influences the most important political relations, promotes social integration, that is, the inclusion of various social groups and public associations in the political system. It is proposed to use the term “self-government” in relation to several levels of people’s association: the whole community — public self-government or self-government of the people, to individual regions or communities — local, to production management — production self-government. Traditionally, self-government is seen as an alternative to public administration. Ideology and practice of selfgovernment originate from the primitive, communal-tribal democracy. It is established that, in practice, centralization has become a “natural form of government”. In its pure form, centralization does not recognize the autonomy of places and even local life. It is characteristic of authoritarian regimes, but it is also widely used by democratic regimes, where they believe that political freedoms should be fixed only at the national level. It is determined that since the state has achieved certain sizes, it is impossible to abandon the admission of the existence of local authorities. Thus, deconcentration appears as one of the forms of centralization and as a cure for the excesses of the latter. Deconcentration assumes the presence of local bodies, which depend on the government functionally and in the order of subordination of their officials. The dependency of officials means that the leadership of local authorities is appointed by the central government and may be displaced.

РоссияиАвстро-Венгрияв1917г.:дватипареволюции.Поматериаламроссийскойпрессы

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Left Flank ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Spectrum

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.

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