scholarly journals Polityka w cieniu koronawirusa

Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (6(75)) ◽  
pp. 119-142
Author(s):  
Ryszard Żelichowski

Politics in the Shadow of COVID-19: Parliamentary Election in the Kingdom of the Netherlands On March 15-17, 2021, the first parliamentary elections in the European Union during the pandemic took place in the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The political authorities of the Kingdom of the Netherlands decided to hold the elections despite severe sanitary restrictions and curfew. On January 15, 2021, the outgoing Prime Minister Mark Rutte, chairman of the People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), handed over the resignation of the entire government to the King. The immediate cause was the report of the parliamentary investigative commission announced in December 2020 on the extremely restrictive operation of local tax offices in connection with government child benefits. Mark Rutte has been running the country efficiently since 2010 and was also a favorite in the upcoming parliamentary elections. The elections were conducted without any disturbances. 37 parties were admitted to elections, the largest number in the post-war history of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. The election winners were ruling party VVD party and progressive liberals from D’66. The discussion on the formation of the new government has already started and is accompanied by great emotions. It is going to be a long period of negotiations and their results are difficult to be predicted. The article presents the main actors of this parliamentary game.

2021 ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Marin Pop ◽  

"This study aims to highlight the activity of the Cluj County Branch of the Romanian National Party (hereafter abbreviated as RNP) in the spring of 1920, covering the events from the fall of the government led by Alexandru Vaida–Voevod until the end of the parliamentary elections of May–June 1920. After the Great Union, the city of Cluj became the political capital of Transylvania, especially after the Ruling Council, which was the provisional executive body of Transylvania, moved its headquarters from Sibiu to Cluj. Iuliu Maniu, the President of the Ruling Council and of the R.N.P, who was elected at the Sibiu Conference of 9–10 August 1919, had settled in Cluj as well. Moreover, at the head of Cluj County Branch of the RNP were personalities with a rich history of struggle for the cause of National Liberation of the Romanians in Transylvania: Iuliu Coroianu, Emil Hațieganu, Aurel Socol, Sever Dan, Alexandru Rusu, Ioan Giurgiu, the Archpriest Ioan Pop of Morlaca, and the Priest‑Martyr Aurel Muntean from Huedin. After the dismissal of the Vaida government, the Central Executive Committee of the RNP convened a party congress for 24 April 1920, in Alba Iulia. Just before the congress, the Cluj County organization had started the election campaign. Meetings were organized in every town and village, aiming to elect representatives for the Congress in Alba Iulia. On 21 April 1920, a large assembly was held in Cluj, during which the deputies of Cluj presented their work in Parliament. Simultaneously, delegates were elected for the Congress of Alba Iulia. The RNP Congress adopted a draft resolution and the governing bodies were elected. Iuliu Maniu was re‑elected as President. Based on the decisions adopted at the Great National Assembly of Alba Iulia on 1 December 1918, he adopted a working program, which was summarized in thirteen chapters. During the electoral campaign of 1920 two major political groups became polar opposites: the one around the People’s Party, which was in power, and the parties that formed the Parliamentary Bloc and had governed before. On the list of candidates of the Cluj County Branch of the RNP we can mostly find the former MPs of the party, as well as those who had filled various leadership positions within the Ruling Council. Following the electoral process, despite all the efforts of the People’s Party, in power at that time – especially those of Octavian Goga – to dispel the propaganda conducted by the RNP, the latter party managed to obtain 27 seats in the House and 14 in the Senate. This placed the RNP in second place among Romania’s political parties. The Cluj County Branch of the RNP was able to win two of the five electoral districts in the Chamber, as well as two in the Senate, out of the three allocated to the county. Another conclusion would be that, starting from these parliamentary elections, more and more parties from the Old Kingdom penetrated into Transylvania and Banat. They would achieve some success with the voters only when they came to hold power in the state and organize elections. Still, the RNP remained the party with the largest grip on the electorate of Transylvania and Banat, and Cluj became the political capital of Transylvania."


2020 ◽  
Vol 93 (3) ◽  
pp. 567-592
Author(s):  
Sivhuoch Ou

The United Nations (UN) introduced multiparty elections to Cambodia in 1993 in the hope of bringing about democracy in that country. Ironically, the two-and-a-half decades of uninterrupted elections have led to an ever-more authoritarian government under Prime Minister Hun Sen and the Cambodian People's Party (CPP). Authoritarianism under the single-dominant party system began in 1997, but has intensified since 2017 with the ban on the leading opposition party. While concurring that repetitive elections have consolidated authoritarianism, this paper argues that elections are not merely tools that authoritarian leaders deploy to hold on to power. Elections are arguably mechanisms that have compelled the CPP to offer several extraordinary economic concessions since 2013; this is the first argument of the paper. The developments have created a win-win scenario for the rulers and the ruled—the authoritarian leaders prolong their rule, and the masses have more disposable income, among various benefits. The second argument is that such policy concessions are made only when the ruling party senses critical challenges from the opposition and voters. This paper contributes to the literature arguing that multiparty elections in electoral authoritarian regimes extract economic policy concessions.


2020 ◽  
pp. 131-148
Author(s):  
Maarten J. Aalders

This article dives into a part of the life and personal history of J.P.Ph. Clinge Fledderus (1870-1946), consul of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, who played a crucial role in organizing relief for Hungary in the Interbellum and the organization of the possibilities for Hungarian children to recover from the effects of post-war famine and malaise after the First World War by giving them a holiday of some months in the Netherlands. A commemorative marble plaque for him still can be found on the front of the building at the Üllői út 4 in Budapest.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 77-83
Author(s):  
Lyubov Shishelina ◽  

In the article, the author analyzes the «pre-elections» that took place in Hungary in September – October 2021, in other words, the «primaries» of the opposition. Such an attempt of being elected to the Parliament in Central European countries was applied for the first time since the change of the system and its result, judging by the subsequent emotions of the participants, cannot yet be considered unambiguous. There is no such norm in the Constitution of the country, however, instead of creating an electoral coalition, as, for example, in the neighboring Czech Republic, Hungarian opposition politicians decided to go further, in a certain sense, binding themselves to the model of the American electoral system. The essence of the vote, as it was explained by the participants of the event, was not to disperse the opposition forces, but to gather them into one fist in order to defeat the FIDESZ / KDNP coalition that had already won three times subsequently before the spring of 2022. The outcome of first primaries in history of Hungary is interesting by the fact that in the end, the victory was by a politician of a new generation who took part in this event, but did not bind himself to signing program documents, and who only recently created his own political movement. The question of how consistent his former candidates for the post of prime Minister from the opposition will be in the remaining six months is also interesting. One way or another, Hungary’s political system is being tested by a new electoral mechanism, which is designed to consolidate the main political forces of this country. No less interesting in this regard is the line of conduct of the ruling party and Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who did not interfere in the new political process taking place in full view of the whole country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-29
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov

The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, held on March 15-17, 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2021, and describes all the leading Dutch political parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2021. The results of the activities of the government headed by the leader of the “People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy” M. Rutte, formed following the results of the 2017 elections, are presented. The reasons for the resignation of this government, which took place on the eve of the elections, and its impact on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It was noted how the coronavirus pandemic and the government’s actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activity of the main opposition parties in this country is evaluated: the right-wing Eurosceptic Freedom Party of Wilders, the center-left Labor Party and others. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections, are considered. The positions of the country’s leading political parties on their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Dutch relations is analyzed. A forecast is given of how the election results will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the political, trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands.


Author(s):  
Desmond Dinan

This chapter focuses on the historical development of the European Union. The history of the EU began when European governments responded to a series of domestic, regional, and global challenges after the Second World War by establishing new transnational institutions in order to accelerate political and economic integration. These challenges ranged from post-war reconstruction, to the Cold War, and then to globalization. Driven largely by mutually compatible national interests, Franco-German bargains, and American influence, politicians responded by establishing the European communities in the 1950s and the EU in the 1990s. The chapter examines the Schuman Plan, the European Defence Community, the European Community, the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), enlargement, constitution building, and the Eurozone crisis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Nettelbeck

Cardinal Aron Jean-Marie Lustiger died at the age of 80 in 2007. Archbishop of Paris from 1981 to 2005, he was a towering and controversial public figure, both within the Catholic church and in European society more broadly. Since his death, he has remained a subject of intense interest. This essay will analyse two films about him – the 2012 documentary Aron Jean-Marie Lustiger (Jean-Yves Fischbach) and the 2013 fiction film Le Métis de Dieu (Ilan Duran Cohen) – as prisms through which the thought, policies and achievements of Lustiger can be examined and assessed. Primarily a charismatic man of faith, Lustiger was also widely engaged with the history of his times. It will be argued that his personal trajectory, frequently through his own direct agency, offers insight into several crucial layers of the cultural and political history of France, including the Occupation years; the Jewish question; the post-war recovery and decolonisation processes; Franco-German reconciliation; the restructuring of the universities; the chaotic socio-political movements around 1968; the development of the European Union; and the complex transformations of church life since the Second Vatican Council with the concomitant shifts in the relations between church and state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-41
Author(s):  
Angga Nurdin Rachmat

Hungary has become a party to the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol on Refugees which requires it to adhere to the principle of non-refoulment towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East who came to the country in 2015. However, in reality Hungary has implemented a policy of detaining and returning refugees even by repressive means. This policy also clearly contradicts the principle of protection against refugees and the policies of the European Union (EU) in which Hungary is a member. The policies taken by Hungary cannot be separated from domestic factors that influence the choice of the Hungarian government to take policies that are contrary to the binding Convention and EU policy. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer what domestic factors influenced Hungary's policies towards refugees and migrants from the Middle East in the 2015-2019 period. This paper uses qualitative methods with data sources obtained from literature studies on various aspects of Hungarian domestic politics. The argument in this study is that Hungarian policy towards refugees and migrants is influenced by domestic factors related to elite interests as a strategy to win political battles in the country related to Viktor Orban's ideas of national identity as the Prime Minister of Hungary as well as leader of the ruling party Fidesz, the dynamics of Hungarian domestic politics. and the strengthening of right-wing populism advocated by Fidesz's party.


Equilibrium ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-162
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Nacewska-Twardowska

Foreign trade is one of the main expressions of international cooperation in the world, which indicates the specific location of trade policy in the policy of the countries or organizations. The history of trade shows the existence of two opposite trade coordinating practices: regional and multilateral. In the post-war history, there can be seen the coexistence of both trends. An excellent example of this is the European Union, where both practice of coordination the trade policy unite. On the one hand, the Community is in itself an exception to the principle of trade liberalization on a multilateral basis, on the other hand for many years it has actively participated in the creation of a common commercial policy for all at the forum of GATT and the WTO. Common commercial policy of the Union is one of the pillars of its existence, affecting significantly the region's economic development. Therefore, in a time of crisis it is important to question how the common commercial policy is being shaped today and whether changes in the global economy affect the change in its formation? Last years point out the increasing trend of regionalism in Community. The difficulties increasing in the formation the trade policy in the WTO effects in many changes. Even enthusiastic proponents of the idea of multilateralism in trade seek for new solutions. In this situation the European Union looks of possibilities to form of the widest possible bilateral relations with other countries or organizations.


Author(s):  
Sergio Zilli ◽  
Giovanni Modaffari

This contribution offers a glimpse into recent developments in the administrative, economic and political history of Trieste, within the framework of the local, regional and – because of the town’s unique circumstances – international communities. In the first parts of this work, the identification of the city with Italy’s eastern border is retraced, following the historical events of the second post-war period, a phase in which Trieste was one of the sites of the confrontation, also from a commercial point of view, between Western democracies and the socialist countries of the Eastern Bloc. From the nineteen-sixties onwards, the city had to re-establish its position both within the autonomous region of which it is now the capital – Friuli Venezia Giulia – and in terms of its relationships with the neighbouring countries of Slovenia and Croatia, which are now members of the European Union alongside Italy. This new situation has highlighted the uncertain nature of Trieste’s hinterland by reason of its limited administrative and political power. As is described in the second part of this work, the city had to redefine an economic system in which critical issues such as the absence of major manufacturing industry, the reduced activity of its port, and a trading network stuck in the local dimension have led to the image of Trieste being reconsidered from the point of view of an outside observer, and to a focus on tourism, also through, and as a consequence of, a new and different use of the sea. In this way, we will see how the redevelopment and gentrification of central areas such as the Cavana district or the triangle of via Torino has progressed at the same pace as the private sporting initiative known as the Barcolana, whose economic success and its promotion of the image of Trieste have contributed to remodelling the relationship between the city and the sea, that is, between its inhabitants and the resource upon which Trieste built its fortune. 


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