scholarly journals Regionalism and multilateralism in trade policy of the European Union

Equilibrium ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-162
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Nacewska-Twardowska

Foreign trade is one of the main expressions of international cooperation in the world, which indicates the specific location of trade policy in the policy of the countries or organizations. The history of trade shows the existence of two opposite trade coordinating practices: regional and multilateral. In the post-war history, there can be seen the coexistence of both trends. An excellent example of this is the European Union, where both practice of coordination the trade policy unite. On the one hand, the Community is in itself an exception to the principle of trade liberalization on a multilateral basis, on the other hand for many years it has actively participated in the creation of a common commercial policy for all at the forum of GATT and the WTO. Common commercial policy of the Union is one of the pillars of its existence, affecting significantly the region's economic development. Therefore, in a time of crisis it is important to question how the common commercial policy is being shaped today and whether changes in the global economy affect the change in its formation? Last years point out the increasing trend of regionalism in Community. The difficulties increasing in the formation the trade policy in the WTO effects in many changes. Even enthusiastic proponents of the idea of multilateralism in trade seek for new solutions. In this situation the European Union looks of possibilities to form of the widest possible bilateral relations with other countries or organizations.

Author(s):  
Sharon Pardo

Israeli-European Union (EU) relations have consisted of a number of conflicting trends that have resulted in the emergence of a highly problematic and volatile relationship: one characterized by a strong and ever-increasing network of economic, cultural, and personal ties, yet marked, at the political level, by disappointment, bitterness, and anger. On the one hand, Israel has displayed a genuine desire to strengthen its ties with the EU and to be included as part of the European integration project. On the other hand, Israelis are deeply suspicious of the Union’s policies and are untrusting of the Union’s intentions toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to the Middle East as a whole. As a result, Israel has been determined to minimize the EU’s role in the Middle East peace process (MEPP), and to deny it any direct involvement in the negotiations with the Palestinians. The article summarizes some key developments in Israeli-European Community (EC)/EU relations since 1957: the Israeli (re)turn to Europe in the late 1950s; EC-Israeli economic and trade relations; the 1980 Venice Declaration and the EC/EU involvement in the MEPP; EU-Israeli relations in a regional/Mediterranean context; the question of Israeli settlements’ products entering free of duty to the European Common Market; EU-Israeli relations in the age of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP); the failed attempt to upgrade EU-Israeli relations between the years 2007 and 2014; and the Union’s prohibition on EU funding to Israeli entities beyond the 1967 borders. By discussing the history of this uneasy relationship, the article further offers insights into how the EU is actually judged as a global-normative actor by Israelis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 137-149
Author(s):  
Maria Buck

While in the early days of the European history of culture the Alps were seen as forbidding, since the 1970s environmental activists have used this description, turning it the other way round — now it is the Alps that are increasingly threatened by today’s environmental problems. Noise, air pollution, deforestation and problems relating to ozone depletion threaten the ecologically sensitive Alpine range. The problems affect not just the Alps, but owing to geographical and topographic conditions their consequences are particularly strong here. Thus the Alps constitute a reference framework as well as a point of origin for the thematisation of ecological problems. Defenders of the Alps were especially critical of the claims — or, more openly, designs — of the European Union in the area of transport, tourism and energy. The relations between the Alps and the European Union constituted a unique moment in the discussion of environmental activists. On the one hand they styled the Alps as a model ecological region in contrast to the economy-focused European Union, and on the other the European Union served as a common enemy, which turned the Alps into a political argument in declaring unity of this space. This unity was, according to the defenders of the Alps, important in the context of securing and forcing through the region’s internal needs. To sum up, the Alps were presented as a place where various, partly opposing, economic, ecological and political interest met, and a place appropriated, depending on the context, as a living, cultural and economic space, as Europe’s roof and water tower, or as a holiday idyll and sports arena. Given the collaboration of Alpine environmentalists crossing state borders south and north of the Brenner Pass, and within the extraordinarily politically and socially heterogenous resistance movement in North Tirol, a question arises: to what extent have the Alps generated unique forms of identification for these figures? The author of the article argues that for Alpine environmentalists the Alps are both a discursive and a physical space, used as an identity-building element and space of activity.


1998 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian T. Hanson

In an era when many fear the breakdown of the global trading order through the emergence of relatively closed regional trading blocs, assessing the effects of European integration on external European Union trade is particularly important. Surprisingly, despite a severe recession accompanied by record levels of unemployment, a history of increasing protection under similar economic circumstances, and alarming predictions about “fortress Europe,” external trade policy in the region has liberalized in recent years. Prominent trade policy explanations emphasizing changing interest group demands or changing ideas of policymakers are inadequate to account for this significant change in trade policy. Instead, much of this liberalization can be best understood as an unforeseen consequence of the Single European Act. Completing the single market undermined the effectiveness of national trade measures and made it difficult to enact new trade barriers, thus producing a liberal bias in European policy.


Author(s):  
Gasan Islamovich Bulatov ◽  
Khamid Abdalla Bashir ◽  
Mokhammed Khalil' Khussian

This article analyzes the concerns and prospects for the development of relations between Turkey and Germany based on the historical method and event study. The relevance of this topic lies in the fact that at the in the context of transition of the global political system from bilateral to multilateral model of world political landscape, Turkey’s political interests are focused on becoming one of the dominants in the Caucasus-Black Sea-Mediterranean region. The article discusses the complicated relations between Germany and Turkey. Special attention is given to the domestic political agenda of the two countries, their bilateral relations, as well as relations with the European Union. Various political parties in Germany, their outlook upon Germany-Turkey and EU-Turkey relations, positioning on the German Turks, and policy of the German governments are described from the perspective of historical approach to shed light on the key aspects of their attitude towards the “Turkish issue”. The article outlines the trends and prospects for the evolution of Germany-Turkey relations at the current stage of development of the world political-economic system. The conducted analysis relies on the authorial fundamental works, scientific publications, and historical documents on the history of Germany-Turkey relations. Using the three-tier analysis of bilateral visits of the representatives of both countries over the period from 2014 to 2020, the author places emphasis on the domestic political agenda of the two countries, bilateral relations between them, as well as their relations with the European Union.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (01) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria de Fátima S C Previdelli ◽  
Luiz Eduardo S de Souza

China is the second largest economy and the biggest exporter in the world. Its growth in 2016 reached 6.7% and it is expected that China may be in the way to become the world's largest economy by the end of this decade , with an internal market of over two billion Euro in potential consumers . China's rise as a major global economy was driven by its WTO accession in 2001 which allowed the opening of its economy. This led China to establish itself as a major global trader and largest world exporter. These notes outline a history of recent trade relations between China and the European Union, discussing its evolving dynamics and volume in international trade.


Author(s):  
Александра Борисовна Гайнетдинова ◽  
Татьяна Константиновна Демидова ◽  
Елена Олеговна Тулупова

At present, the issue of migration to the European Union is very acute, despite many attempts of the under question countries’ leaders to stabilize the situation. On the one hand, European Union authorities are unable to cope with a massive human flow, and on the other hand, local population’ discontent with Europe’s Islamization is mounting. It is obvious that the migrants who have arrived in European countries are reluctant to learn the native language, do not accept the culture, do not accept the rules of conduct in European society, and sometimes dictate their own conditions. It undoubtedly disturbs European society.


Author(s):  
Alison Jones ◽  
Brenda Sufrin ◽  
Niamh Dunne

This chapter discusses the regime for controlling mergers which have an ‘EU dimension’ under the European Union Merger Regulation (EUMR). The chapter examines: the purposes of merger control; the history of the EUMR; the scheme of the EUMR and the concept of the ‘one-stop shop’; jurisdiction under the EUMR, including the definition of a ‘concentration’ and what amounts to an ‘EU dimension’; procedure, including Phase I and Phase II proceedings; the substantive appraisal of horizontal, and non-horizontal mergers under the EUMR and the test of significantly impeding effective competition (SIEC); EUMR statistics; appeals; and international issues.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 121-136
Author(s):  
Maria Buck

While in the early days of the European history of culture the Alps were seen as forbidding, since the 1970s environmental activists have used this description, turning it the other way round — now it is the Alps that are increasingly threatened by today’s environmental problems. Noise, air pollution, deforestation and problems relating to ozone depletion threaten the ecologically sensitive Alpine range. The problems affect not just the Alps, but owing to geographical and topographic conditions their consequences are particularly strong here. Thus the Alps constitute a reference framework as well as a point of origin for the thematisation of ecological problems. Defenders of the Alps were especially critical of the claims — or, more openly, designs — of the European Union in the area of transport, tourism and energy. The relations between the Alps and the European Union constituted a unique moment in the discussion of environmental activists. On the one hand they styled the Alps as a model ecological region in contrast to the economy-focused European Union, and on the other the European Union served as a common enemy, which turned the Alps into a political argument in declaring unity of this space. This unity was, according to the defenders of the Alps, important in the context of securing and forcing through the region’s internal needs. To sum up, the Alps were presented as a place where various, partly opposing, economic, ecological and political interest met, and a place appropriated, depending on the context, as a living, cultural and economic space, as Europe’s roof and water tower, or as a holiday idyll and sports arena. Given the collaboration of Alpine environmentalists crossing state borders south and north of the Brenner Pass, and within the extraordinarily politically and socially heterogenous resistance movement in North Tirol, a question arises: to what extent have the Alps generated unique forms of identification for these figures? The author of the article argues that for Alpine environmentalists the Alps are both a discursive and a physical space, used as an identity-building element and space of activity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Yasin Yildirim ◽  
◽  
Rabia Üzumcü ◽  

History of Euro-Arab relations is full of with troubled, tragic, stressed but also optimistic and sanguine occasions. Through the ages, people of the Europe and the Middle East have lived together and interacted, by trading, negotiating, and conquering each other. Within the framework of constantly developing international law, diplomacy and universal respect rules, however, the spirit of cooperation and partnership has started to be lived and strengthened between two civilizations. In this sense, two regional organizations, the European Union, and the Gulf Cooperation Council are coming forward with their unique institutional characteristics. In last 3 decades, these two organizations succeeded many remarkable missions, created highly profitable economic relations, practiced very valuable commercial interacts, and harvested significant acquisitions from each other’s political, and economic backgrounds. However, mentioning about the creation of a complete alliance is impossible. Due to many obstacles and even sometimes due to preferential choices; the two actors could/did not unlock their potentials for a fully-fledged cooperation and collaboration processes. Therefore, the nature of the bilateral relations between Europe and Gulf has taken a highly eccentric and strange shape which is both powerful and concrete, and also weak and intangible. Nonetheless, despite of all drawbacks and unknown points; it is possible to anticipate more positive and brighter implications in the future and to be optimistic about the tomorrow of the relations between the parties, because of the necessity of comprehensive cooperation. In this paper, the relations between parties will be analysed with their positive and negative aspects under the context international cooperation by focusing legal treaties between them and other platforms that parties met.


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