scholarly journals Русины і їх путь до Чехословакії (1918-1919)

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 161-184
Author(s):  
Peter Švorc

Rusyns and Their Way to CzechoslovakiaThe first great military conflict of the 20th century in Europe, World War I, also affected the area of north‑ eastern Slovakia and present‑day Transcarpathia and, to a great extent, those villages where Rusyns lived. These Rusyns were later, after the Russian army retreated, accused of supporting it and many were, thus, persecuted and victimised by the Hungarian government. That, later, played a considerable role in the way Rusyns thought of the future position of the territory they lived in. When the war ended, Rusyns considered several ways of changing their position in Central Europe. From their viewpoint, there were the following options: 1) Subcarpathian Rus as an autonomous part of historical Hungary, or Hungarian Republic; 2) Subcarpathian Rus as part of the Russian Empire; 3) Subcarpathian Rus΄ as part of a united Ukraine; 4) Subcarpathian Rus as an independent state; 5) Subcarpathian Rus as part of the Czechoslovak state. What came to pass was the fifth alternative. Based on the Treaty of Saint‑Germain from September 10th, 1919, the area of Subcarpathian Rus became part of Czechoslovakia with autonomous status.

2020 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jakub Michał Niebylski

This article presents the archaeological remains of World War I that were discovered in 2016 at the multicultural site Sadowie-Kielnik 1, Kraków district. The fights that broke out there were part of the Battle of Kraków, which took place between November 16-25, 1914. The parties to the conflict were the armies of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the Russian Empire. The consequence of this battle was the halting of the attack of the Russian Army towards the west, which resulted in pushing them out of Galicia. A collection of 145 artefacts related to both armies was analysed. Additionally, archaeological features – field fortifications – were interpreted as well. This helped to explain their strategic function and to determine which of the two armies built them. It was also possible to determine the date of their construction and the time during which these fortifications were occupied by the army.


Author(s):  
Alexander В. Arlukevich

The article reflects the processes of concentration and territorial deployment of troops of the Russian Empire in Belarus during the existence of the Vilna and Warsaw military districts after the end of the uprising of 1863–1864. The analysis of the reasons for the concentration of formations and units of the Russian army in the region, taking into account the current military-political situation in Europe and socio-political processes that took place within the Belarusian provinces themselves, allowed the author to determine the goals and tasks of the troops that were solved by the latter in Belarus from the middle 1860s to the beginning of the World War I. This research is based on a wide range of sources that were first introduced into scientific circulation, identified by the author in the archives and book repositories of Russia and Belarus. The author identifies the causes and preconditions of creation of system of territorial administration of the armed forces of the Russian Empire in Belarus. The process of creating organizational structures of the Vilna military district and the composition of the military contingent stationed in Belarus and the locations of individual parts and units of the Russian army within the borders of Belarusian provinces are discovered. The author identifies the causes of changes in the composition and the scheme of territorial deployment of troops during the period of military districts.On the basis of a comparison of the results obtained in the study of the above aspects of the subject, the author tried to give an overall assessment of the role and place of Belarusian lands in the system of ensuring military-strategic interests of the Russian Empire, as well as the role of the army in political life of Belarus in the second half of the 1860s until the outbreak of the World War I.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-90
Author(s):  
Silviu-Marian Miloiu

When the World War I began Lithuania was on the vanguards of the military operations. Around 60,000 Lithuanians were recruited in the Russian Army and employed on the operational fronts of the war. However, they were not blind performers of Tsarist ambitions, but, as The Amber Declaration showed, nurtured political ambitions of their own. The document issued on 4/17 August 1914 was signed, inter alia, by the patriarch of national credo, Jonas Basanavičius , and clearly affirmed the Lithuanian ideals, i.e. the aim of unifying Lithuania with Lithuania Minor then in German hands and the awarding of an autonomous status to a united Lithuania within the Russian Empire. This article tackles an enticing moment in the process of national rebirth, the Congress of the Representatives of the Lithuanian Military Officers of the Romanian Front held in Bender (Tighina), in southern Bessarabia, on 1-3 November 1917, calling for the creation of a Lithuanian national state. How this congress and the proclamation it issued fitted into the general frame of self-determination movements and Lithuanian national revival of 1917-1918, which led to the rebirth of the Lithuanian state? Who were the conveners and the participants to this congress? What arguments did they put forward in their national-building claims? What role did it play on the pathway to Lithuanian independence? Overlooked in most of the Lithuanian historical treatises, the Congress of the Representatives of the Lithuanian Military Officers of the Romanian Front in Bender City had in fact of greater significance than it allows to be understood when counting solely the relatively lower visibility of its leaders or the direct institutional lineage to the proclamation of independence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-4) ◽  
pp. 196-205
Author(s):  
Vadim Mikhailov ◽  
Konstantin Losev

The article is devoted to the issue of Church policy in relation to the Rusyn population of Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire. In the second half of the 19th century, the policy of the Austro-Hungarian administration towards the Rusyn Uniate population of the Empire underwent changes. Russia’s victories in the wars of 1849 and 1877-1878 aroused the desire of the educated part of the Rusyns to return to the bosom of the Orthodox Church. Nevertheless, even during the World War I, when the Russian army captured part of the territories inhabited by Rusyns, the military and officials of the Russian Empire were too cautious about the issue of converting Uniates to Orthodoxy, which had obvious negative consequences both for the Rusyns, who were forced to choose a Ukrainophile orientation to protect their national and cultural identity, and for the future of Russia as the leader of the Slavic and Orthodox world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 480-492
Author(s):  
Vladimir N. Shaidurov ◽  
Valentina A. Veremenko

General of the Infantry Count G.M. Sprengtporten (1740-1819) is one of the less known historical figures of the last quarter of the 18th and of the early 19th century. As a Swedish citizen, he hatched plans to turn Finland into an independent state. In the mid-1780s he saw in Catherine II a potential ally who could implement his ideas. After accepting the invitation to enter Russian service, Sprengtporten did not blend either in the Highest Court or in the Russian army. Not having shown any significant military feats during the wars of the late 18th and early 19th centuries, he distinguished himself in the diplomatic and lawmaking field. An important event was his mission to Europe (1800-1801), which resulted in the return of more than six thousand Russian prisoners to Russia. The draft Regulations on the Establishment of the Main Administration in New Finland, developed by Sprengtporten with some changes made by Emperor Aleksander I, became the cornerstone of Finnish autonomy within the Russian Empire over the next century. Occupying for a short time the post of Governor General, he became a link between Finland and Russia. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the comprehensive presentation of the Russian service of G.M. Sprengtporten. The article is written on the basis of published sources and unpublished documents from some central archives, which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.


2021 ◽  
pp. 25-52
Author(s):  
Mark Lawrence Schrad

Part I of the book—covering Europe’s continental empires—begins with Chapter 2 on the Russian Empire. The state’s overreliance on revenues from the imperial vodka monopoly is laid bare beginning with the temperance revolts of the 1850s, when the empire was almost bankrupted when peasants refused to drink. The understanding of temperance as opposition to imperial autocracy is traced through the antistatist teachings of Leo Tolstoy and early Bolsheviks, including the prohibitionists Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky. Despite official opposition to “subversive” temperance activism, at the outbreak of World War I in 1914 Tsar Nicholas II made Russia the first prohibitionist state, though the loss of state revenue paved the way for the revolutions of 1917. Lenin maintained a prohibition against the vodka trade, which was only undone after Lenin’s death by Joseph Stalin, who reintroduced the tsarist-era vodka monopoly in the interests of state finance.


1994 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-81
Author(s):  
Stephen Fischer-Galati

The national minorities question in Romania has been one of crises and polemics. This is due, in part, to the fact that Greater Romania, established at the end of World War I, brought the Old Romanian Kingdom into a body politic (a kingdom itself relatively free of minority problems), with territories inhabited largely by national minorities. Thus, the population of Transylvania and the Banat, both of which had been constituent provinces of the defunct Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, included large numbers of Hungarians and Germans, while Bessarabia, a province of the Russian empire, included large numbers of Jews. While the Hungarian (Szeklers and Magyars), Germans (Saxons and Swabians), and Jewish minorities were the largest and most difficult to integrate into Greater Romania, other sizeable national minorities such as the Bulgarians, Russians, Ukrainians, Tatars, Serbians, Turks, and Gypsies also posed problems to the rulers of Greater Romania during the interwar period and, in some cases, even after World War II.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 169-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Zeynep Bulutgil

According to the extant literature, state leaders pursue mass ethnic violence against minority groups in wartime if they believe that those groups are collaborating with an enemy. Treating the wartime leadership of a combatant state as a coherent unit, however, is misleading. Even in war, leaders differ in the degree to which they prioritize goals such as maintaining or expanding the territory of the state, and on whether they believe that minority collaboration with the enemy influences their ability to achieve those goals. Also, how leaders react to wartime threats from minority groups depends largely on the role that political organizations based on non-ethnic cleavages play in society. Depending on those cleavages, wartime minority collaboration may result in limited deportations and killings, ethnic cleansing, or minimal violence. A comparison of the policies of three multinational empires toward ethnic minority collaborators during World War I—the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italians, the Ottoman Empire and Armenians, and the Russian Empire and Muslims in the South Caucasus—illustrates this finding.


2019 ◽  
pp. 55-66
Author(s):  
O. Demenko

The article explores the revolt of Kazakh people against the Russian colonial policy which took place during World War I in 1916. There are analyzed the main reasons of the revolt, amongst whichsocio-economic factors as well as political factors are determined. In spite of the fact that the revolt of 1916, which had taken the form of National Liberation Revolution, generally was defeated, it causedthe growth of national self-determination, the increase in political participation and also formed certain experience of independent Kazakh people’s state-building. The revolt swept almost the whole territory of modern Kazakhstan and took an unprecedented scale and cruelty within the Russian empire. In consequence, the significant losses were incurred and hundreds of thousands of people were forced to leave their homelands. These events are considered to be the direct consequence of the colonial police of the Russian Empire towards the subdue peoples.


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