scholarly journals Effects of Party System Fluidity on Legislative Oversight and Good Governance Indicators--in the context of Sub-Saharan African Countries

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-243
Author(s):  
Akbikesh Mukhtarova
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Negative Relationship ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Governance Indicators ◽  
Legislative Oversight ◽  
Democratic Control ◽  
Sub Saharan

While analyzing data for 47 Sub-Saharan African countries, this article explores the correlation between Legislative Oversight and Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) and the effects of Party System Fluidity on WGI and legislative oversight. The effects of party systems fluidity on governance indicators and legislative oversight have received little systematic scholarly attention. To fill the gap in the existing literature, the article explores how in/stability of party systems affects governance indicators and legislative oversight capacity in Sub-Saharan African countries. Analyzing the data on 47 Sub-Saharan African countries, we find that legislative oversight has a strong positive relationship with Worldwide Governance Indicators; however, instability of political party systems expressed in high party systems fluidity has a negative relationship with legislative oversight as well as all six dimensions of WGI. These findings reaffirm: "that the stability of political party systems”(Pelizzo: 2020, p. 265) is a crucial factor that is essential for the development of democratic institutions and further evolvement of mechanisms of democratic control of Parliaments over the work of national governments. The work structure is the following: firstly, it analyzes how academic scholarship defines legislative oversight and party system fluidity. The second part presents our data analysis methods. In conclusion, the paper discusses the research's key findings, namely the effects of party systems fluidity on legislative oversight and WGI in the context of Sub-Saharan African countries.

scholarly journals Effects of Party System Fluidity on Legislative Oversight and Good Governance Indicators in Sub-Saharan African

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-23
Author(s):  
Akbikesh Mukhtarova
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Negative Relationship ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Governance Indicators ◽  
Legislative Oversight ◽  
Democratic Control ◽  
Sub Saharan

How fluidity of political party systems affects legislative oversight and worldwide governance indicators? Based on the analyses of 47 Sub-Saharan African countries, this article seeks to explore the correlation between Legislative Oversight and Worldwide Governance Indicators as well as the effects of Party System Fluidity on WGI and legislative oversight. Needless to mention, that the effects of party systems fluidity on governance indicators and legislative oversight have received little systematic scholarly attention. To fill the gap in the existing literature, the article explores how in/stability of party systems affects governance indicators and legislative oversight capacity in Sub-Saharan African countries. Analyzing the data on 47 Sub-Saharan African countries we find that legislative oversight has a strong positive relationship with Worldwide Governance Indicators, however, instability of political party systems expressed in high party systems fluidity has a negative relationship with legislative oversight as well as all six dimensions of WGI. These findings reaffirm that the stability of political party systems is a crucial factor that is essential for the development of democratic institutions and further evolvement of mechanisms of democratic control of Parliaments over the work of national Governments. The article is structured in the following way: The first part analyzes how academic scholarship defines legislative oversight and party system fluidity. The second part presents our data analysis methods. In conclusion, the paper discusses the key findings of the research, namely the effects of party systems fluidity on legislative oversight and WGI, in the context of Sub-Saharan African countries.  

scholarly journals The mobile phone as an argument for good governance in sub-Saharan Africa

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 897-920 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simplice Asongu ◽  
Sara le Roux ◽  
Jacinta C. Nwachukwu ◽  
Chris Pyke
Keyword(s):  
Mobile Phone ◽  
Mobile Phones ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Empirical Inquiry ◽  
Governance Indicators ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
Mobile Phone Usage

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present theoretical and empirical arguments for the role of mobile telephony in promoting good governance in 47 sub-Saharan African countries for the period 2000–2012. Design/methodology/approach The empirical inquiry uses an endogeneity-robust GMM approach with forward orthogonal deviations to analyze the linkage between mobile phone usage and the variation in three broad governance categories – political, economic and institutional. Findings Three key findings are established: first, in terms of individual governance indicators, mobile phones consistently stimulated good governance by the same magnitude, with the exception of the effect on the regulation component of economic governance. Second, when indicators are combined, the effect of mobile phones on general governance is three times higher than that on the institutional governance category. Third, countries with lower levels of governance indicators are catching-up with their counterparts with more advanced dynamics. Originality/value The study makes both theoretical and empirical contributions by highlighting the importance of various combinations of governance indicators and their responsiveness to mobile phone usage.

“Does the poor matter” in pro-poor driven sub-Saharan African cities? towards progressive and inclusive pro-poor tourism

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 392-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Regis Musavengane ◽  
Pius Siakwah ◽  
Llewellyn Leonard
Keyword(s):  
Sustainable Development ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Urban Tourism ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Content Type ◽  
African Cities ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Impact

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to question the extent to which Sub-Saharan African cities are progressing towards promoting pro-poor economies through pro-poor tourism (PPT). It specifically examines how African cities are resilient towards attaining sustainable urban tourism destinations in light of high urbanization. Design/methodology/approach The methodological framework is interpretive in nature and qualitative in an operational form. It uses meta-synthesis to evaluate the causal relationships observed within Sub-Saharan African pro-poor economies to enhance PPT approaches, using Accra, Ghana, Johannesburg, South Africa, and Harare, Zimbabwe, as case studies. Findings Tourism development in Sub-Saharan Africa has been dominantly underpinned by neoliberal development strategies which threaten the sustainability of tourism in African cities. Research limitations/implications The study is limited to three Sub-Saharan African countries. Further studies may need to be done in other developing countries. Practical implications It argues for good governance through sustainability institutionalization which strengthens the regulative mechanisms, processes and organizational culture. Inclusive tourism approaches that are resilient-centered have the potential to promote urban tourism in Sub-Saharan African cities. These findings contribute to the building of strong and inclusive Institutions for Sustainable Development in the Sub-Saharan African cities to alleviate poverty. Social implications These findings contribute to the building of strong and inclusive institutions for sustainable development in the Sub-Saharan African cities to alleviate poverty. Originality/value The “poor” are always within the communities, and it takes a community to minimise the impact of poverty among the populace. The study is conducted at a pertinent time when most African government’s development policies are pro-poor driven. Though African cities provide opportunities of growth, they are regarded as centres of high inequality.

scholarly journals DOES GLOBALIZATION PROMOTE GOOD GOVERNANCE IN AFRICA? An Empirical Study across 51 Countries

World Affairs ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 180 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simplice A. Asongu
Keyword(s):  
Instrumental Variable ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Governance ◽  
Estimation Technique ◽  
Quantile Regressions ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Governance Indicators ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Impact

This study investigates the effect of globalization on governance in 51 African countries for the period 1996–2011. Four bundled governance indicators and four globalization (political, economic, social, and general) variables are used. The empirical evidence is based on instrumental variable quantile regressions. The motivation for using this estimation technique is that blanket governance–globalization policies are not likely to succeed unless they are contingent on initial levels of governance and tailored differently across countries with low, intermediate, and high levels of governance. The following findings are presented. First, globalization does, in fact, appear to promote good governance. Second, for the most part, the effect of globalization is higher in terms of magnitude in the bottom quantiles of the political, institutional, and general governance distributions. Third, the impact of globalization is overwhelmingly higher in terms of magnitude in the top quantiles of the economic governance distribution.

You Have to Know Where to Look in Order to Find It: Competitiveness in Botswana's Dominant Party System

2012 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-126
Author(s):  
Stephanie Burchard
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Electoral Competition ◽  
National Level ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Macro Level ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Multiparty Systems ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Sub Saharan

Dominant party systems are defined by a lack of party alternation at the national level; however, dominant party systems do not inherently preclude electoral competition at the macro level, the micro level, or both. Nonetheless, little systematic work has documented the competitiveness of elections under a dominant party system. This article describes the nature of competition under one of sub-Saharan Africa's most enduring dominant party systems, Botswana. By examining electoral outcomes at the constituency level, this article demonstrates that elections in Botswana produce significant levels of competition, especially when compared to other sub-Saharan countries. Furthermore, electoral competitiveness appears unrelated to the party system at large: namely, competitiveness is no less or greater under dominant party systems than under multiparty systems.

scholarly journals Birth registration and child undernutrition in sub-Saharan Africa

2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (10) ◽  
pp. 1757-1767 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ornella Comandini ◽  
Stefano Cabras ◽  
Elisabetta Marini
Keyword(s):  
Nutritional Status ◽  
Permutation Test ◽  
Negative Relationship ◽  
Wealth Quintile ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Demographic And Health Surveys ◽  
Birth Registration ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Sub Saharan

AbstractObjectiveIn many countries of the world millions of people are not registered at birth. However, in order to assess children’s nutritional status it is necessary to have an exact knowledge of their age. In the present paper we discuss the effects of insufficient or imprecise age data on estimates of undernutrition prevalence.DesignBirth registration rates and levels of stunting, underweight and wasting were retrieved from Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys and Demographic and Health Surveys of thirty-seven sub-Saharan African countries, considering the subdivision in wealth quintiles. The composition of the cross-sectional sample used for nutritional evaluation was analysed using a permutation test. Logistic regression was applied to analyse the relationship between birth registration and undernutrition. The 95 % probability intervals and Student’s t test were used to evaluate the effect of age bias and error.ResultsHeterogeneous sampling designs were detected among countries, with different percentages of children selected for anthropometry. Further, registered children were slightly more represented within samples used for nutritional analysis than in the total sample. A negative relationship between birth registration and undernutrition was recognized, with registered children showing a better nutritional status than unregistered ones, even within each wealth quintile. The over- or underestimation of undernutrition in the case of systematic over- or underestimation of age, respectively, the latter being more probable, was quantified up to 28 %. Age imprecision was shown to slightly overestimate undernutrition.ConclusionsSelection bias towards registered children and underestimation of children’s age can lead to an underestimation of the prevalence of undernutrition.

scholarly journals The determinants of Party System Change in Sub-Saharan Africa

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-129
Author(s):  
Riccardo Pelizzo
Keyword(s):  
Social Transformation ◽  
Party System ◽  
System Change ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Primary Driver ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Stability

This article examines what socio-economic factors are conducive to changes in the patterns of inter-party competition in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). The literature has in recent years paid considerable attention to measuring party system change, to identifying the consequences of party system instability for the proper functioning of democratic regimes, and to understanding what factors are responsible for the instability of party systems. In contrast to previous studies that view political change in general and party system change more specifically as the result of social transformation, development, modernization and change in the cleavage structure, this paper shows instead that poverty is the primary driver of party system change in the SSA region. In countries with high levels of poverty, political elites do enjoy little to no performance-based legitimacy. The lack of performance-based legitimacy is the reason why voters in such countries are willing to alter their voting habits and parties are unable to preserve their electoral fortunes over time—which is precisely why party systems do change. The literature showed that stable party systems are good for democracy. This paper shows that to enhance the stability of party system in SSA, poverty has to be reduced and possibly eradicated.

scholarly journals Trends and drivers of government health spending in sub-Saharan Africa, 1995–2015

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. e001159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela E Micah ◽  
Catherine S Chen ◽  
Bianca S Zlavog ◽  
Golsum Hashimi ◽  
Abigail Chapin ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Purchasing Power Parity ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Health Sector ◽  
National Income ◽  
Health Spending ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Individual Country ◽  
Government Health ◽  
Sub Saharan

IntroductionGovernment health spending is a primary source of funding in the health sector across the world. However, in sub-Saharan Africa, only about a third of all health spending is sourced from the government. The objectives of this study are to describe the growth in government health spending, examine its determinants and explain the variation in government health spending across sub-Saharan African countries.MethodsWe used panel data on domestic government health spending in 46 countries in sub-Saharan Africa from 1995 to 2015 from the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation. A regression model was used to examine the factors associated with government health spending, and Shapley decomposition was used to attribute the contributions of factors to the explained variance in government health spending.ResultsWhile the growth rate in government health spending in sub-Saharan Africa has been positive overall, there are variations across subgroups. Between 1995 and 2015, government health spending in West Africa grew by 6.7% (95% uncertainty intervals [UI]: 6.2% to 7.0%) each year, whereas in Southern Africa it grew by only 4.5% (UI: 4.5% to 4.5%) each year. Furthermore, per-person government health spending ranged from $651 (Namibia) in 2017 purchasing power parity dollars to $4 (Central African Republic) in 2015. Good governance, national income and the share of it that is government spending were positively associated with government health spending. The results from the decomposition, however, showed that individual country characteristics made up the highest percentage of the explained variation in government health spending across sub-Saharan African countries.ConclusionThese findings highlight that a country’s policy choices are important for how much the health sector receives. As the attention of the global health community focuses on ways to stimulate domestic government health spending, an understanding that individual country sociopolitical context is an important driver for success will be key.

scholarly journals The current state of the nationalization of the party systems in the Slovak Republic and Ukraine

2021 ◽  
Vol 188 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 47-57
Author(s):  
Mykhailo Shelemba ◽  
◽  
Marta Shelemba ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Slovak Republic ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Entry Barrier ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Current State ◽  
Political Forces

The paper assesses the current state of the nationalization of the party systems in the Slovak Republic and Ukraine based on the results of the latest parliamentary elections. By using formalized methods, the authors of the paper analyzed the composition of the party systems at the empirical level. The results of the conducted research show that the party landscape of the Ukrainian Parliament has changed in the direction of electoral preferences in favour of new participants of the political process. The analysis with the use of the Nagayama triangle showed that the electoral advantage of one political party was provided in most of the regions of Ukraine (the political party «Servant of the People»). Under the M. Jones’ and S. Mainwaring’s technique, a high level of the party system nationalization (0.70) was established while conducting the research. According to the methodology by G. Golosov, a Russian scientist, the nationalization index in 2019 was equal to 0.56. It was proved that the factors of presidentialism, socio-political delimitations of the political regime, forms of government, the entry barrier, and regionalization have impacted nationalization of the party system. Six political parties entered the Slovak Parliament. With the opposition center-right conservative political force «Ordinary People and Independent Individuals» being the leader of this election campaign. Parliament’s The assessment of the Slovak Parliament with the use of the Nagayama triangle shows that in most parts of Slovakia, no political force has been formed as a result of the elections, which would dominate the level of voters support and that competition provides a minimum gap between the two political forces. The analysis indicated that the nationalization of the party system of the Slovak Republic is 0.89 (the high value) according to the Jones and Mainwaring method and 0.67 (the above-average value) with regard to the Golosov method, being a higher value compared to a relatively similar indicator for Ukraine. It should be emphasized that the main factors impacting the actual state of the studied indicator were the entry barrier and the political regime in the country. The predominance in the level of nationalization of the party system of Slovakia, if compared with the relevant indicator in Ukraine is due to the fact that all political forces that entered the National Council of the Slovak Republic are stable and participate in electoral cycles.

scholarly journals Investigating into the Employment and Income Inequality Nexus in Sub-Saharan Africa

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suneila Gokhool ◽  
Verena Tandrayen Ragoobur ◽  
Harshana Kasseeah
Keyword(s):  
Income Inequality ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Ordinary Least Squares ◽  
Development Stage ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Domestic Investment ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Middle Income ◽  
Sub Saharan

Abstract This paper aims to examine the relationship between employment and income inequality in Sub-Saharan African countries. Even though the region has experienced a decade of positive economic growth, it has the second highest level of income inequality in the world. The drivers of income inequality are quantitatively investigated using data from 1991 to 2015 by the Fully Modified Ordinary Least Squares technique. The results show that employment, trade and domestic investment reduce income inequality in the region in the long term. Higher trade tends to improve income equality in middle-income countries. Alternatively, domestic investment and trade have more potential to reduce inequality in low-income economies. Controlling corruption is essential in the long run for job creation, irrespective of the development stage of the country. There is thus evidence to show that policies must be oriented to more opportunities of employment, domestic investment, trade and good governance in terms of low corruption.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document