scholarly journals «Imagined Communities»: Student and Revolutionary Movements in the Headlines of Mass Media Newspapers and Magazines During the Brazilian Dictatorship

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-62
Author(s):  
Katya Zuquim Braghini
Keyword(s):  
Student Movement ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Imagined Communities ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Sensory Stimuli ◽  
Social Patterns ◽  
Fidel Castro ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
Main Action ◽  
The 1960S

Brazilian historiography emphasises student political practice as the main action of those students who were against the authoritarian and conservative regime. To explain the student movement through its political activity or subversion towards the established social patterns became commonplace when discussing the behaviour of much of 1960s youth. Even though such aspects are import, they take little account of other peculiarities of these students’ history. This article explores Anderson’s (2008) hypothesis on «imagined communities» – i.e. when people in a group establish synchronic identification through references given by daily communication – in this context. This highlights the emotional pandemic of the youth coalition of the 1960s, which spread to general political movements. From this perspective, the student movement is understood as an interaction among subjects of a similar age, mobilized by their identification with shared images, mainly on printed documents. This analysis reveals that in Brazil: 1) the students identified with the revolutionary youngsters in the magazines who would later become icons, such as Fidel Castro and Che Guevara; 2) The reports and «hearsay» of youth action, recorded in the articles and stimulated and amplified by street demonstrations, schematic readings, impromptu rallies, graffiti and slogans, etc. We discuss synchronicity as an aspect of this period of history that was associated with the sensory stimuli involved in demonstrations, as well as the creation of stereotypes and representations of youth. 

scholarly journals O protagonismo da juventude estudantil alemã no Maio de 68 | The leading role of German students in the events of May 1968

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (42) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Oliveira Teixeira
Keyword(s):  
Historical Context ◽  
50Th Anniversary ◽  
Student Movement ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
German Student ◽  
May 1968 ◽  
Nazi Past ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Cold War

Com o 50° aniversário do chamado Maio de 68, este ensaio tem por objetivo sistematizar algumas características acerca da emergência e dinâmica do movimento estudantil nos anos 1960 na Berlim Ocidental, cidade palco central da Guerra Fria. Após discorrer sobre o contexto histórico de politização pela esquerda do movimento estudantil alemão e a dinâmica das manifestações estudantis, destacamos duas conclusões: 1) insurreições estudantis se opunham tanto à sociabilidade capitalista num tempo de expansão do capitalismo, à guerra norte-americana no Vietnã, como também ao silêncio diante do passado nazista, ao autoritarismo e à universidade não democrática; 2) a ausência de vínculo orgânico entre movimento estudantil e classe operária é em grande medida determinada pela adesão do movimento operário ao reformismo social-democrata alemão e ao passado nazista, que também contribui para dizimar lideranças comunistas e socialistas.Palavras-Chave: Maio 68; movimento estudantil; movimentos políticos; Berlim.  Abstract – With the 50th anniversary of the events of May 1968, this essay aims to systematize some characteristics of the emergence and dynamics of the student movement in the 1960s in West Berlin, the central stage of the Cold War. After discussing the historical context of politicization by the left of the German student movement and the dynamics of student demonstrations, we highlight two conclusions. First, that student insurrections were opposed both to capitalist sociability in a time of expansion of capitalism and the American war in Vietnam, and also to the silence in face of Germany’s Nazi past, authoritarianism, and undemocratic universities. Second, the absence of an organic link between the student movement and the working class was largely determined by the adherence of the workers’ movement to German Social-Democratic reformism and the Nazi past, which also contributed to decimate communist and socialist leaderships.Keywords: May 1968; student movement; political movements; Berlin.

The école barisienne: a cultural and political endeavour after 1968

Modern Italy ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-287
Author(s):  
Valerio Vetta
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Heritage ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Student Movement ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Research Activity ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
National Question ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Party State

The ‘école barisienne’ refers to a group of intellectuals, active between the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 1980s, who brought their academic and political activity together in order to bring the cultural heritage of Italian communism up to date and to construct a new theory of the revolution. Interpreting the student movement of 1968 as the historical agent of a social and political revolution, their intention was to transform the Italian Communist Party (PCI) into a ‘partito-società’ (‘party-society’) that could take hold of the new generation’s demand for democracy and overturn the hegemony of Christian Democracy, understood as the ‘partito-Stato’ (‘party-state’). This article retraces the life of this intellectual grouping, from the education of its proponents, marked by the Southern Question as a national question, through to the demise of their project. Specifically, it examines the relationship between the research activity of the école, highlighting some significant analytical categorisation used in its historiographical output, its political activity, and the national position of the PCI.

Does Modernization Breed Ethnic Political Conflict?

1991 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saul Newman
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Melting Pot ◽  
Long Term Stability ◽  
Cultural Ideologies ◽  
The World ◽  
Economic Modernization

Until the early 1970s many scholars believed that the process of economic modernization would result in the decline of ethnic political activity throughout the world. This melting pot modernization perspective failed on both theoretical and empirical grounds. After its collapse, scholars promoted a new conflictual modernization approach, which argued that modernization brought previously isolated ethnic groups into conflict. Although this approach accounted for the origins of ethnic conflict, it relied too heavily on elite motivations and could not account for the behavior of ethnic political movements. In the last five years, scholars have tried to develop a psychological approach to ethnic conflict. These scholars see conflict as stemming from stereotyped perceptions of differences among ethnic groups. This approach fails to analyze the tangible group disparities that reinforce these identifications and that may serve as the actual catalysts for ethnic political conflict. The conflictual modernization approach is reinvigorated by applying it to the cases of ethnic conflict in Canada and Belgium. In both of these countries the twin processes of economic modernization and political centralization intensified ethnic conflict while stripping ethnic movements of the romantic cultural ideologies and institutional frameworks that could provide these movements with some long-term stability. Thus, by integrating the modernization approach with a resource mobilization perspective we can develop theories that can account for ethnic conflict throughout the world.

Going Abroad: Transnational Solicitation and Contention by Ethnopolitical Organizations

2014 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 945-978 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Asal ◽  
Justin Conrad ◽  
Peter White
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Organizational Behavior ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Organization Level ◽  
Foreign State ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Minorities At Risk

AbstractExisting literature on contentious political movements has generally focused on domestic political activity. Using the new Minorities at Risk Organizational Behavior–Middle East data set (MAROB-ME), which contains organization-level data for 104 ethnopolitical organizations in the Middle East and North Africa, we analyze the decision of both violent and nonviolent organizations to engage in political activity transnationally. Among the results, we find that diaspora support is associated with transnational nonviolent protest, whereas foreign state support and domestic repression increase the use of transnational violence. The most robust finding, however, is that participation in the domestic electoral process consistently reduces the likelihood that an organization will engage in any political activity abroad.

Ubre Blanca and the Politics of Milk in Socialist Cuba

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reinaldo Funes Monzote
Keyword(s):  
Milk Production ◽  
Lactation Period ◽  
Cattle Ranching ◽  
Cattle Industry ◽  
Fidel Castro ◽  
Production And Consumption ◽  
History Of ◽  
Tropical Areas ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Isla De La Juventud

In the summer of 1981 the cow named Ubre Blanca (White Udder), born on Isla de la Juventud (formerly Isla de Pinos) in the southern Cuban archipelago, became headline news for her high milk production. After achieving a national record, in the following months she was the focus of the country’s attention for her fast-track to becoming a world record holder, first in four milkings and later, in January 1982, as highest producer in three milkings, collection of milk in one lactation period, and fat content. For the leader of the Cuban Revolution, Fidel Castro, and scientists from the cattle industry, it was important to emphasize that it was not only a matter of this incredible cow’s personal achievement but also the fruit of many years of effort to reach a radical transformation of the country’s cattle industry, from an emphasis on beef production toward the priority for milk production and diversification of animal protein sources. These politics required major changes in bovine herds from a genetic perspective, starting with major cross-breeding of Holstein cattle, of Canadian origin, with the Cebú, formerly dominant in Cuba, along with the creation of new infrastructure and other changes toward an intensive model of cattle ranching. Therefore, the history of Ubre Blanca is tied to that of the politics aimed at increased production and consumption of dairy products, presented as an achievement of the socialist Cuban model and with aspirations to bring dairy development to tropical areas and Third World countries. Although the ambitious goals announced in the 1960s were never reached, there was an increase in milk production and a general modernization of cattle ranching that, nevertheless, began a prolonged decline starting with the deep economic crisis of the 1990s.

Taking It from the Streets: The Politics of Collecting, Writing and Exhibiting History from Below

2007 ◽  
Vol 14 (01) ◽  
pp. 115-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeff Rickertt
Keyword(s):  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Nuclear Industry ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Interesting Observation ◽  
The People ◽  
The 1960S

Writing in Griffith Review 13 about ‘being political now’, Mark Bahnisch described the Museum of Brisbane's Taking to the Streets exhibition as a ‘monument to the symbolism of the '60s’. On display, he wrote, were causes and experiences that ‘symbolise a generation’. It's an interesting observation, especially in an essay concerned with debunking generational stereotypes. For it seems Bahnisch himself may have fallen for, well, a generational stereotype. Aside from apparently missing the 75 per cent of the exhibition that didn't deal with the 1960s, he also seems to have failed to notice that the people represented in the interviews, the written accounts, the grainy images, the shaky film footage and the lists of arrests were not all of one generation. Ranging from punks to pensioners, students to seafarers, communists to Christians, they were in fact an amazingly motley bunch of citizens who shared a history only because they shared a desire for a better society and a belief that protest was a legitimate and worthwhile political activity. And, despite the mythology, the issues they mobilised around — war, racism, the nuclear industry, sexism, workers' rights, civil liberties — had been around as causes well before 1965. Even that icon of late 1960s radicalism — the peace symbol — came from earlier times, as Ted D'Urso so carefully explained in his exhibition interview.

Memories of a U.S. Political Prisoner

2016 ◽  
Vol 68 (6) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
David Gilbert
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
World History ◽  
Political Prisoner ◽  
History Of ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Che Guevara ◽  
The U.S

"We will fight from one generation to the next." In the 1960s and 1970s we anti-imperialists in the U.S. were inspired not only by that slogan from Vietnam but even more by how they lived it with their 2000-year history of defeating a series of mighty invaders. At the same time we felt that we just might be on the cusp of world revolution in our lifetimes. Vietnam's ability to stand up to and eventually defeat the most lethal military machine in world history was the spearhead. Dozens of revolutionary national liberation struggles were sweeping what was then called the "Third World," today referred to as the "global South." There was a strategy to win, as articulated by Che Guevara: to overextend and defeat the powerful imperial beast by creating "two, three, many Vietnams." A range of radical and even revolutionary movements erupted within the U.S. and also in Europe and Japan.… Tragically, the revolutionary potential that felt so palpable then has not been realized.… Today, fighting from one generation to the next takes on new relevance and intense urgency.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

The Social teaching of archbishop John Williams

1972 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 179-185
Author(s):  
R. Buick Knox
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
English Civil War ◽  
Social Teaching ◽  
English History ◽  
The Social ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
John Williams ◽  
Scholarly Teaching ◽  
Christopher Wren

In English history the seventeenth-century upheavals were of great importance in leading to parliamentary government, religious toleration and autonomous science. In both popular belief and scholarly teaching the Puritans have been given much credit for these developments. However, the process was much more tentative and complex than has often been supposed. For example, Milton is remembered as a prophet of popular liberty but his experience in the practical affairs of government drove him to aim at government by a virtuous aristocracy which was most likely to arise from among those who had property and the consequent time to spare for political activity. The recent awakening of interest in the more extreme sectarian and revolutionary movements on the Continent and in England has brought into sharper focus the relative conservatism of many of the Puritans and has given the English Civil War and its aftermath the appearance of a rift within the landowning and propertied classes. Science owed much to the current questioning of tradition and of authority but it also owed not a little to the diligence of several royalist clergy and laity who in their years of unemployment during the interregnum devoted themselves to scientific observations and experiments; the genius of Sir Christopher Wren was maturing during these years. Families and individuals were often torn by conflicts of loyalties. There was the loyalty to the possibility of a better and more balanced society free from ecclesiastical impositions and from the exercise of power without responsibility; there was also the loyalty to the existing structure of society which, for all its faults, was a fence protecting the country from mob rule and communal chaos. Many changed from side to side in the years before, during and after the Civil War and they did so not simply out of a prudential desire to be on the winning side but because they were apprehensive of the revolutionary trends in the movement in which they had got involved.

scholarly journals SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL APPROACHES TO ASSESSING THE POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF YOUTH MOVEMENTS IN THE WEST IN 1960-1970: HISTORIOGRAPHY

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (43) ◽  
Author(s):  
A. N. Fedorkov
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Psychology ◽  
Psychological Characteristics ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Activity ◽  
The West ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

The development of civil society in Ukraine requires an active political position on the part of all subjects of public relations; active creative and positive orientation of actions. The basis of this process is political activity and political participation. The problem of studying the political activity of young people - from 18 to 35 years old - is especially relevant. In this regard, it is important to highlight the socio-psychological factors of active political activity, and especially the individual psychological characteristics and psychological characteristics of the microenvironment. As an object of the article, the realities of the political and socio-cultural life of the West in the 1960s and 1970s, when these factors were manifested against the background of the general activity of the youth of the West, were summarized. It is the political activity and participation of young people in various movements and associations that have determined the configuration of political and social processes. Then came the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR, and this story became a general activity of the world's youth, including the youth of Ukraine. Retrospection and historiography make it possible to assess the place of psychology, political psychology in the study of these processes. Psychological science has been enriched with such achievements that they can be used as an example of solving broader problems - as a study of the phenomenon of political and socio-cultural participation of young people in solving urgent everyday problems, especially in modern crises and challenges. Keywords: psychology, political psychology, political activity and political participation, the West in the 1960s and 1970s.

scholarly journals A Critical Introduction to Khomeini

2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 126-130
Author(s):  
Mojtaba Ebrahimian
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Gender Issues ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Strong State ◽  
Iranian Studies ◽  
Iranian History ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini ◽  
The 1960S

Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902-89) is undoubtedly one of the twentiethcentury’s key international revolutionary figures whose role is definitive tomodern Iranian history. A massive amount of scholarship has been producedin Iran about him; this is not the case, however, in the English-speaking world.This publication by a collection of eminent scholars of Iranian studies, therefore,examines the critical impact of his political thought and religious philosophywithin and beyond Iran.In “Introduction,” editor Arshin Adib-Moghaddam provides a brief summaryof Khomeini’s political life before, during, and after the revolution. Inhis view, the Islamic Republic’s revolutionary discourse not only triggeredunprecedented sociopolitical changes, but also influenced the subjectivity ofIranian citizens. Moreover, he maintains that the two pillars of the ayatollah’spolitical thought were a “strong state” and “independence from foreign influences,”which are still adamantly pursued today (p. 15).Fakhreddin Azimi, in “Khomeini and the ‘White Revolution,’” looks atthe social context of his rise to prominence in the pre-revolutionary decades.With the dissolution of Reza Shah’s autocratic rule in 1941, secular and leftistdiscourses gained enough momentum to threaten the religious establishment.Despite these changes, the leading Shi‘i ulema maintained a quietist stanceuntil the middle of twentieth century (p. 19). During the 1960s, Khomeini initiatedhis rigorous anti-Shah political activity by combining “a stern moralismon gender issues and sociopersonal freedoms” with “forceful professions of ...

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