scholarly journals A Instrumentalização das Fake news nas Guerras Híbridas: uma análise a partir do Golpe na Bolívia (2019) | The Instrumentalization of Fake news in Hybrid Wars: an analysis based on the Coup in Bolivia (2019)

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. e60375
Author(s):  
Maria Beatriz Oliveira da Silva ◽  
Ana Elisi Carbone Anversa ◽  
Thomaz Delgado De David
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Present Article ◽  
21St Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fake News ◽  
Global Center ◽  
Different Types ◽  
New Strategy ◽  
Hybrid War

Considerando as transformações do capitalismo e a reconfiguração do imperialismo, as Guerras Híbridas surgem no século XXI como parte de uma nova estratégia para a desestabilização política da periferia global. Sua tática mescla diferentes tipos de ataques, inclusive virtuais, com a finalidade de destituir governantes e realinhar politicamente os países atingidos aos interesses do centro global, especialmente dos Estados Unidos. À vista disso, o presente artigo objetiva identificar como as fake news foram instrumentalizadas na Guerra Híbrida contra a Bolívia, que culminou na renúncia do então Presidente Evo Morales, em 2019. Para tanto, emprega-se o método de abordagem materialista histórico-dialético, o método de procedimento histórico e a técnica de pesquisa documental. Os resultados obtidos apontam que a instrumentalização das fake news ocorreu de maneira sistemática, manipuladora e impactou a ocorrência do golpe em um contexto de Guerra Híbrida.Palavras-chaves: Guerras Híbridas; Bolívia; Estados Unidos.ABSTRACTConsidering the transformations of capitalism and the reconfiguration of imperialism, the Hybrid Wars emerge in the 21st century as part of a new strategy for the political destabilization of the global periphery. Its tactic mixes different types of attacks, including virtual ones, with the purpose of removing governors and to politically realign the affected countries to the interests of the global center, especially of the United States. Considering this, the present article aims to identify how fake news were instrumentalized in the Hybrid War against Bolivia, which culminated in the resignation of then President Evo Morales, in 2019. In order to that, the historical-dialectical materialist approach is employed, as well as the historical procedure method and the documentary research technique. The results obtained indicate that the instrumentalization of fake news occurred in a systematic and manipulative way and impacted the occurrence of the coup in a Hybrid War context.Keywords:  Hybrid Wars; Bolivia; United States. Recebido em: 10 jun. 2021 | Aceito em: 19/09/21.

Conclusions

1998 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. W. Rostow
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
21St Century ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Population Increase ◽  
The Political ◽  
The World ◽  
The Government

I have tried in this book to summarize where the world economy has come from in the past three centuries and to set out the core of the agenda that lies before us as we face the century ahead. This century, for the first time since the mid-18th century, will come to be dominated by stagnant or falling populations. The conclusions at which I have arrived can usefully be divided in two parts: one relates to what can be called the political economy of the 21st century; the other relates to the links between the problem of the United States playing steadily the role of critical margin on the world scene and moving at home toward a solution to the multiple facets of the urban problem. As for the political economy of the 21st century, the following points relate both to U.S. domestic policy and U.S. policy within the OECD, APEC, OAS, and other relevant international organizations. There is a good chance that the economic rise of China and Asia as well as Latin America, plus the convergence of economic stagnation and population increase in Africa, will raise for a time the relative prices of food and industrial materials, as well as lead to an increase in expen ditures in support of the environment. This should occur in the early part of the next century, If corrective action is taken in the private markets and the political process, these strains on the supply side should diminish with the passage of time, the advance of science and innovation, and the progressively reduced rate of population increase. The government, the universities, the private sector, and the professions might soon place on their common agenda the delicate balance of maintaining full employment with stagnant or falling populations. The existing literature, which largely stems from the 1930s, is quite illuminating but inadequate. And the experience with stagnant or falling population in the the world economy during post-Industrial Revolution times is extremely limited. This is a subject best approached in the United States on a bipartisan basis, abroad as an international problem. It is much too serious to be dealt with, as it is at present, as a domestic political football.

‘Into A Mirror Darkly’

2020 ◽  
pp. 243-264
Author(s):  
Judith Rauscher
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
21St Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
Star Trek ◽  
Border Crossing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Feminist Critique ◽  
Border Crossings ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
Trump Administration

This chapter argues that contemporary representations of border crossing on screen engage with a specifically 21st-century U.S. manifestation of what Lora Wildenthal in following Valerie Amos and Pratibha Parmar calls “imperial feminism.” It examines how the most recent product of the Star Trek franchise, the TV series Star Trek: Discovery (2017–ongoing), interrogates the legacies of U.S. imperialism and, less overtly so, of U.S. imperial feminism. The analysis focuses on the geographical as well as the metaphorical border crossings that occur in the series when the crew of the Federation starship Discovery jumps to an alternative universe which is dominated by the fascist Terran Empire. It argues that Star Trek: Discovery can be read as a feminist text that exposes the limits of two very different kinds of post-sexist futures: one, the Mirror Universe, in which the empowerment of women depends on openly imperialist and racist ideologies and another, the Prime Universe, in which these ideologies threaten to make a comeback in the context of violent conflict. By contrasting these two possible futures and by connecting them through instances of border crossing, Star Trek: Discovery not only speaks to issues of intersectional feminist critique, it also responds to the political, social, and cultural changes in the United States leading up to and associated with the Trump administration.

Latin America’s Socioeconomic Relationship With China: Is Development Still Possible?

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enrique Dussel Peters
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
21St Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Foreign Direct Investments ◽  
Infrastructure Projects ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Trade Financing ◽  
Triangular Relationships ◽  
The Impact

The socioeconomic and political relationship between Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) with China has become increasingly significant for both since the beginning of the 21st century. This article analyzes proposals by the United States and China in their bilateral relationship and the political effects of their increasing tensions on LAC. Consistent with the proposed framework of analysis of the socioeconomic LAC–China relationship—at least in terms of trade, financing, overseas foreign direct investments, and infrastructure projects—the article examines in detail these conditions, as well as providing an in-depth example of trade. The final part of the article discusses the important potential and challenges of China for LAC’s development and concludes that so far, and based on the in-depth analysis of the trade relationship, the LAC–China relation is closer to a core-periphery than to a South–South or win–win strategy. The document proposes to understand that the political economy within the United States, particularly of its private sector, have shifted substantially against China. In addition, the structure for analysis of the LAC-China relationship in the 21st century with a concrete structure of analysis in terns of trade, financing, Chinese overseas foreign direct investments (OFDI) and infrastructure projects. In light of current discussions, the analysis suggests for the inclusion of a group of new concepts –such as the “the new triangular relationships” and the “globalization process with Chinese characteristics” with a group of effects in LAC. The impact of the increasing China-United States tensions, from this perspective, generates massive challenges in LAC, independently of their diplomatic relationships to China.

Return to Empire: The New U.S. Imperialism in Comparative Historical Perspective

2005 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 339-367 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Steinmetz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Regulation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
British Imperialism ◽  
The Past ◽  
Imperial Power ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Political Spectrum

The widespread embrace of imperial terminology across the political spectrum during the past three years has not led to an increased level of conceptual or theoretical clarity around the word “empire.” There is also disagreement about whether the United States is itself an empire, and if so, what sort of empire it is; the determinants of its geopolitical stance; and the effects of “empire as a way of life” on the “metropole.” Using the United States and Germany in the past 200 years as empirical cases, this article proposes a set of historically embedded categories for distinguishing among different types of imperial practice. The central distinction contrasts territorial and nonterritorial types of modern empire, that is, colonialism versus imperialism. Against world-system theory, territorial and nonterritorial approaches have not typi-cally appeared in pure form but have been mixed together both in time and in the repertoire of individual metropolitan states. After developing these categories the second part of the article explores empire's determinants and its effects, again focusing on the German and U.S. cases but with forays into Portuguese and British imperialism. Supporters of overseas empire often couch their arguments in economic or strategic terms, and social theorists have followed suit in accepting these expressed motives as the “taproot of imperialism” (J. A. Hobson). But other factors have played an equally important role in shaping imperial practices, even pushing in directions that are economically and geopolitically counterproductive for the imperial power. Postcolonial theorists have rightly empha-sized the cultural and psychic processes at work in empire but have tended to ignore empire's effects on practices of economy and its regulation. Current U.S. imperialism abroad may not be a danger to capitalism per se or to America's overall political power, but it is threatening and remaking the domestic post-Fordist mode of social regulation.

L'urbain est-il plus tolérant: le Canada et les États-Unis

2001 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 819-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Turcotte
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Present Article ◽  
Urban Sociology ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Tolerance ◽  
Urban Residence ◽  
Canadian Context ◽  
The City ◽  
Le Canada

The political tolerance and urban sociology literature indicates that urban residence is positively linked to tolerant attitudes and behaviour. Because the city favours more contacts with unconventional groups and individuals, urban dwellers develop a higher level of political tolerance. The present article tests the empirical relevance of the rural/urban cleavage in the Canadian context. The paper shows that ''urban'' political tolerance may be specific to the United States.

scholarly journals A Stylistic Study of Repetition and Ideology in Political Discourse: Donald Trump as a Case Study

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muayyad Omran Chiad ◽  
Azhar Hassan Sallomi
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Essential Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Rhetorical Device ◽  
Different Types

The challenging debates including the political one witness the presence of many ways conveying related views but not totally similar .Repetition is one of these variants which play an essential role in communication as speakers embrace a particular strategy in their choice to accomplish certain tasks. This paper investigates the phenomenon of repetition, its individualities, categories, the motives behind the manifestation of its different types, and the ideological function in the political discourse of Donald Trump, the president of the United States. Both Kemertelidze and Manjavidze’s (2013) model and van Dijk’s (1988) ideological square are adopted to identify the sorts of repetition and ideology accessible in Trump speeches. Thus, repetition in the present study does not only refer to its role as a stylistic cohesive device, but also to its function as a rhetorical device that carries a definite ideology to the audience . The paper reveals that Trump tends to use repetition and specifically anaphora and epiphora as he realizes well how such forms enhance the rhythmic blend of speech owing to the development of intonation and sound uniqueness at initial or final position of a sentence. Additionally, Trump intends consciously to repeat a word, a phrase, and even a sentence to accomplish goals like illumination, prominence, persuasion, warning, making a point memorable, and creating cohesion .Using such a vital instrument , he succeeds to have his own effect or authority  upon listeners, manipulate them, and  accordingly form an attitude.

Identity concerns drive belief: The impact of partisan identity on the belief and dissemination of true and false news

2021 ◽  
pp. 136843022110300
Author(s):  
Andrea Pereira ◽  
Elizabeth Harris ◽  
Jay J. Van Bavel
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Confirmation Bias ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fake News ◽  
False News ◽  
Democrats And Republicans ◽  
The Impact

We test three competing theoretical accounts invoked to explain the rise and spread of political (mis)information. We compare the ideological values hypothesis (people prefer news that bolster their values and worldviews); the confirmation bias hypothesis (people prefer news that fit their preexisting stereotypical knowledge); and the political identity hypothesis (people prefer news that allow them to believe positive things about political ingroup members and negative things about political outgroup members). In three experiments ( N = 1,420), participants from the United States read news describing actions perpetrated by their political ingroup or outgroup. Consistent with the political identity hypothesis, Democrats and Republicans were both more likely to believe news about the value-upholding behavior of their ingroup or the value-undermining behavior of their outgroup. Belief was positively correlated with willingness to share on social media in all conditions, but Republicans were more likely to believe and want to share apolitical fake news.

scholarly journals Twitter’s Fake News Discourses Around Climate Change and Global Warming

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmed Al-Rawi ◽  
Derrick OʼKeefe ◽  
Oumar Kane ◽  
Aimé-Jules Bizimana
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
United States ◽  
Global Warming ◽  
Mixed Method ◽  
Online Community ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fake News ◽  
The Public

In this empirical study, we collected about 6.8 million tweets that mentioned “fake news”, and we extracted references to climate change and/or global warming to understand the public discourses around these two issues. Using a mixed method, the study’s findings show that there is a clear politically polarized discussion on climate change. We found that the majority of tweets focus on the United States context though references to other Western coutnries are often made. The anti-Liberal or anti-Democratic online community was more active on Twitter than the anti-conservative or anti-Republican community. Also, more than half the examined most retweeted posts contained claims about climate change being a natural cycle or even denying it exists, while about a third of these tweets stated that climate change was anthropogenic. The implications of the study are discussed, we argue that fake news as a term has a hollow meaning as it is used as a buzzword to discredit opponents and further the political agenda of different parties not only in the United States but also in other Western countries like Australia.

Having Their Say, Leaving Their Mark

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-153
Author(s):  
Adolphus G. Belk ◽  
Robert C. Smith ◽  
Sherri L. Wallace
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civic Engagement ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Black People ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Documents ◽  
Adverse Conditions ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Independent Organization

In general, the founders of the National Conference of Black Political Scientists were “movement people.” Powerful agents of socialization such as the uprisings of the 1960s molded them into scholars with tremendous resolve to tackle systemic inequalities in the political science discipline. In forming NCOBPS as an independent organization, many sought to develop a Black perspective in political science to push the boundaries of knowledge and to use that scholarship to ameliorate the adverse conditions confronting Black people in the United States and around the globe. This paper utilizes historical documents, speeches, interviews, and other scholarly works to detail the lasting contributions of the founders and Black political scientists to the discipline, paying particular attention to their scholarship, teaching, mentoring, and civic engagement. It finds that while political science is much improved as a result of their efforts, there is still work to do if their goals are to be achieved.

“Christians Love the Jews!” The Development of American Philo-Semitism, 1790-1860

1996 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert K. Whalen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Literature ◽  
Revolutionary Era ◽  
Early National Period ◽  
Early National ◽  
Social Views ◽  
British Research

Philo-Semitism is America's enduring contribution to the long, troubled, often murderous dealings of Christians with Jews. Its origins are English, and it drew continuously on two centuries of British research into biblical prophecy from the seventeenth Century onward. Philo-Semitism was, however, soon “domesticated” and adapted to the political and theological climate of America after independence. As a result, it changed as America changed. In the early national period, religious literature abounded that foresaw the conversion of the Jews and the restoration of Israel as the ordained task of the millennial nation—the United States. This scenario was, allowing for exceptions, socially and theologically optimistic and politically liberal, as befit the ethos of a revolutionary era. By the eve of Civil War, however, countless evangelicals cleaved to a darker vision of Christ's return in blood and upheaval. They disparaged liberal social views and remained loyal to an Augustinian theology that others modified or abandoned.

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