Epilogue

2018 ◽  
pp. 210-218
Author(s):  
Shane Hamilton

The epilogue centers on the question of how the contemporary world of global agribusiness differs, but also builds upon, the structures of the Cold War Farms Race. A brief discussion of Walmart’s entry into India opens the epilogue, offering an examination of how agricultural development as pursued by multinational corporations has been framed as an apolitical exercise. Yet as a brief discussion of Venezuela’s current food crisis demonstrates, the power exercised in food supply chains means that no such action can be apolitical. A discussion of supermarkets’ penetration into Eastern Europe after the end of the Cold War furthermore highlights the ongoing contestation over what counts as “free enterprise” in the global supermarket-driven food economy. Finally the epilogue offers a few words on the paucity of contemporary food politics discourse and the problem of assuming consumer sovereignty.

2019 ◽  
pp. 99-122
Author(s):  
Carol V. R. George

This chapter examines how Norman Vincent Peale disseminated his gospel using the “Guideposts” magazine, which used the motto, “More than a magazine.” Founded in 1944 by Peale, “Guideposts” gave Pealeism a public identity that was easily understood. Politically, early “Guideposts” found a home for the potentially antinomian message of positive thinking within Cold War conservatism. Its editorial philosophy reflected Peale’s civic and religious priorities, best summarized as the ideas of Americanism, free enterprise, and practical Christianity. The chapter shows how “Guideposts” emerged from Peale’s practical Christianity and political conservatism and how it fared in the 1940s. It also discusses the strategies adopted by Peale to build a new image for “Guideposts” and concludes by explaining how the magazine evolved from a political broadside of the Cold War to achieve a more enduring cultural status along the lines of “The Reader’s Digest” and “National Geographic.”


2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell Buchan

AbstractThis paper will suggest that since the end of the Cold War liberal states have instituted a new regime of international relations and of international peace and security in particular. Historically, legitimate statehood could be situated virtually exclusively within international society; in their international relations all states subscribed to a common normative standard which regarded all states qua states as legitimate sovereign equals irrespective of the political constitution that they endorsed. With the end of the Cold War, however, an international community of liberal states has formed within international society which considers only those states that respect the liberal values of democracy, human rights and the rule of law as legitimate. Non-liberal states are not only denigrated as illegitimate but more significantly they are stripped of their previously held sovereign status where international community, motivated by the theory that international peace and security can only be achieved in a world composed of exclusively liberal states, campaigns for their liberal transformation. Finally, it will be suggested that despite the disagreement between liberal states over the decision to invade Iraq in 2003 international community survives, and thus its (antagonistic) relationship with non-liberal states continues to provide a useful method for theorising international peace and security in the contemporary world order.


1977 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Burton I. Kaufman

Nowhere was the postwar growth of multinational corporations more dramatic than in the petroleum industry. The major oil companies of the western nations were soon banded together in a complex of joint exploration, producing, refining, and marketing organizations. But efforts to advance criminal prosecution of the American companies under the antitrust laws soon ran head-on into overriding considerations of national security. The hardening of the Cold War, complicated by internal political weaknesses in Iran, persuaded both President Truman and President Eisenhower to soft-pedal litigation. In the end, criminal prosecution of joint production enterprises became civil suits against marketing and pricing agreements, which were settled by consent decree. This, according to Professor Kaufman, amounted to attacking “the tail but not the head or body of the energy tiger.”


1969 ◽  
pp. 45-60
Author(s):  
Ernani Oda

During the 1990s, when many thought the end of the cold war would lead to a new age of globalization, Japanese society actually began to see the rise of nationalist practices and discourses stressing historical revisionism and a renewed attachment to “traditional” symbols. Although most social theorists tend to intepret the rise of several nationalisms around the contemporary world as a form of resistance towards the instability caused by the new reality of globalization, the Japanese experience suggests that contemporary nationalism can also be created through the interaction with other countries and other nationalisms, thus incorporating and reproducing the very logic of globalization. In my analysis I focus on the debates put forward by some of the most significant authors of contemporary Japanese social theory, considering at the same time the concrete social processes and conflicts discussed in these debates.


Author(s):  
John Beck ◽  
Ryan Bishop

The central assumption of the essays collected here is that the historically bounded period known as the Cold War (1946–1991) does not fully capture the extent to which the institutional, technological, scientific, aesthetic and cultural forms decisively shaped during that period continue to structure, materially and conceptually, the twenty-first-century world. While it is not our intention to claim that the 1946–1991 period did not constitute a specific and distinctive set of historical, geopolitical and cultural circumstances, we are interested in extending the temporal frame in order to consider the intensifications, reversals and irreversibilities brought about by the politics and culture of the latter half of the twentieth century. In numerous ways, the essays gathered here insist that the infrastructure of the Cold War, its technologies, its attitudes and many of its problems continue to shape and inform contemporary responses to large-scale political and technological issues. The essays also explore the various ways in which the continued influences of the Cold War emerge in aesthetic and conceptual/theoretical engagements with contemporary geopolitical conditions. The introduction provides a theoretical and historical articulation of the notion of a 'long' Cold War that continues to shape the contemporary world.


Author(s):  
Jeremy Prestholdt

The global icon is an omnipresent but poorly understood element of mass culture. This book asks why audiences around the world have embraced particular iconic figures, how perceptions of these figures have changed, and what this tells us about transnational relations since the Cold War era. Prestholdt addresses these questions by examining one type of icon: the anti-establishment figure. As symbols that represent sentiments, ideals, or something else recognizable to a wide audience, icons of dissent have been integrated into diverse political and consumer cultures, and global audiences have reinterpreted them over time. To illustrate these points the book examines four of the most evocative and controversial figures of the past fifty years: Che Guevara, Bob Marley, Tupac Shakur, and Osama bin Laden. Each has embodied a convergence of dissent, cultural politics, and consumerism, yet popular perceptions of each reveal the dissonance between shared, global references and locally contingent interpretations. By examining four very different figures, Icons of Dissent offers new insights into global symbolic idioms, the mutability of common references, and the commodification of political sentiment in the contemporary world.


Author(s):  
Michael R. Page

This chapter focuses on Frederik Pohl's literary output during the period 1988–2013, including two novels that would mark a transition in his career: Chernobyl and The Annals of the Heechee. The books that follow Chernobyl and The Annals of the Heechee focus less on the Cold War and more on new, pressing issues facing the contemporary world, such as The Voices of Heaven (1994), Homegoing (1989), Outnumbering the Dead (1990), and Mining the Oort (1992). Another novel, Narabedla Ltd., was a work of lighthearted fun that demonstrated Pohl's love of music. But the work that caps Pohl's career as science fiction's most eminent Swiftian satirist was All the Lives He Led. While completing All the Lives He Led, Pohl began blogging in January 2009 on his Hugo Award–winning website The Way the Future Blogs. In celebration of his ninetieth birthday, his wife Betty prepared a Festschrift anthology, titled Gateways and published by Tor, which included new stories by old friends.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 491-520 ◽  
Author(s):  
CAROLINE JACK

In the late 1940s and early 1950s, millions of theatergoers, students, and industrial workers saw one or more animated short films, shot in Technicolor and running eight to nine minutes, that were designed to build public support for the principles and practices of free enterprise. The Alfred P. Sloan Foundation quietly funded the production of this series of cartoons, titledFun and Facts about American Business, through multiple grants to industrial animation house John Sutherland Productions via Harding College, an evangelical college in rural Arkansas that would become known nationally for its anti-communist and conservative political activism. This article examines the creation and distribution of theFun and Factsfilms in the years 1946 through 1952 as a notable case of ephemeral film and as an example of the Cold War public relations movement known as “economic education.” Further, the article examines the consequences of economic education as a conceptual category on the production and distribution of Cold War industrial propaganda.


2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver P Richmond

What does it mean to mediate in the contemporary world? During the Cold War, and since, various forms of international intervention have maintained a fragile strategic and territorially sovereign balance between states and their elite leaders, as in Cyprus or the Middle East, or built new states and inculcated new norms. In the post-Cold War era intervention and mediation shifted beyond the balance of power and towards the liberal peace, as in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, and Timor Leste. In the case of Northern Ireland, identity, territorial sovereignty, and the nature of governance also began to be mediated, leading to hints of complex, post-liberal formulations. This article offers and evaluates a genealogy of the evolution of international mediation.


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