Public Efficiency and Constitutional Constraints: a Contribution Towards an Extended Leviathan Model

1998 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-200
Author(s):  
Fulvio Fontini

Abstract The paper analyses the relationship among public efficiency, exploitation of private individuals by the government and the role of constitutional constraints. First, it contains an extensive review of the Leviathan model based on Inman's formalisation of Brennan and Buchanan theory. Secondly, an extension of such a model is proposed, in which public agents are separated into politicians and bureaucrats. In so doing a ‘new’ efficiency-equity trade-off arises, namely, the achievement of Pareto-efficiency through constitutional constraints is obtained at a cost of a possible exploitation of private individuals, while the non-exploitation allocation is coupled with a possible Pareto-inefficiency.

Author(s):  
Yosica Mariana

Generally, activities conducted by people generate waste. The waste which increasingly rises causing a big problem. Therefore, the role of community in waste management will strongly support the process of solving the waste problem in the community. The purpose of this study was to determine the relationship of engagement and active participation of citizens, as reflected in the attitude of citizens in the activities related to the response to the waste problem in the community. A descriptive method was used in this study to describe the involvement and participation in the prevention of waste. The result showed that the paradigm of PSBM (community-based waste management) appeared sporadically and has not yet received the maximum support from regional governments. A paradigm which is “people pay, the government manages“, has grown within the community for years. It would hardly change people’s behaviour patterns in solving the waste problem in the community since changing the city into a city that is clean, comfortable and healthy involved many parties, including the community.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Reni Kumalasari

This article tries to explain how the relationship between Islam and politics after the conflict between the Government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). After the peace agreement between the two parties with the signing of the Helsinki MoU, the Indonesian government interpreted the agreement in Law No. 11 of 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh (UUPA). The presence of the act makes the ulama a partner of the government in running the wheels of government by giving fatwa on issues of government, development, community development, and the economy. Furthermore, after peace, the role of the ulama was not only to give knowledge to the community, some ulama participated in practical politics. This was one of the effects of the UUPA, where Aceh was given the privilege of establishing local political parties. At present some ulama have occupied various positions in party management, and even participated in the regional head election (PILKADA), where religious values are used as a means of gaining power.


Yurispruden ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 208
Author(s):  
Fahrul Abrori

 ABSTRAKPandemi Covid-19 yang terjadi di Indonesia membuat pemerintah membuat kebijakan-kebijakan sebagai stimulus untuk menjaga kestabilan masyarakat dan perekonomian. Pemerintah pusat memberikan kewenangan kepada pemerintah daerah untuk mengelola keuangan daerah untuk menangani covid-19 di daerah masing-masing. Hal ini disebabkan karena pemerintah daerah lebih memahami kebutuhan daerahnya. Permasalahan yang diangkat Pertama, bagaimana hubungan Pemerintah Pusat dan Pemerintah Daerah dalam pengelolaan keuangan untuk penanganan pandemi Covid-19? Kedua, Apa peran Pemerintah Daerah dalam pengelolaan keuangan daerah untuk penanganan pandemi Covid-19? Menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan pendekatan konsep. Hubungan Pemerintah Pusat dan Pemerintah Daerah dalam Pengelolaan Keuangan untuk Penanganan Pandemi Covid-19 yaitu desentralisasi fiskal yang mana. Peran Pemerintah Daerah dalam Pengelolaan Keuangan Daerah untuk Penanganan Pandemi Covid-19 yaitu dengan melakukan refocusing kegiatan, realokasi anggaran, dan Penggunaan Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Daerah.Kata kunci: Pemerintah Daerah, Pengelolaan Keuangan Daerah, Pandemi Covid-19 ABSTRACTThe Covid-19 pandemic in Indonesia led the government to make policies as a stimulus to maintain the stability of society and the economy. The central government authorizes local governments to manage local finances to deal with covid-19 in their respective regions. This is because the local government better understands the needs of the region. The issue raised first, how is the relationship between the Central Government and Local Government in financial management for the handling of the Covid-19 pandemic? Second, What is the role of local governments in regional financial management for the handling of the Covid-19 pandemic? Using normative juridical research methods with statutory approaches and concept approaches. The relationship between the Central Government and Local Government in Financial Management for the Handling of the Covid-19 Pandemic is fiscal decentralization. The role of local governments in regional financial management for the handling of the Covid-19 pandemic is by refocusing activities, reallocating budgets, and using regional budgets.Keywords: Local Government, Regional Financial Management, Covid-19 Pandemic


2021 ◽  
pp. 160-196
Author(s):  
Martin Partington

This chapter focuses on administrative justice. It reflects on the nature of administrative law and the role it plays in modern society, overseeing the relationship between the citizen and the state. Once again adopting the holisitic approach, the chapter discusses not only the role of the courts, but also the tribunals, ombudsmen, and other bodies and processes that together make up the institutional framework of administrative justice. It notes some of the key changes being introduced as a result of the Transformation Programme and the response to the COVID-19 pandemic. It also considers the particular responsibilities of Members of Parliament in holding the Government to account. In addition, it asks who has general oversight of the system and whether current oversight arrangements are adequate.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Lotus Ruan ◽  
Masashi Crete-Nishihata ◽  
Jeffrey Knockel ◽  
Ruohan Xiong ◽  
Jakub Dalek

Abstract This paper examines the relationship between political events and information control on WeChat through a longitudinal analysis of keyword censorship related to China's 19th National Communist Party Congress (NCPC19). We use a novel method to track censorship on WeChat before, during and after the NCPC19 to probe the following questions. Does censorship change after an event is over? What roles do the government and private companies play in information control in China? Our findings show that the system of information control in China can trigger blunt reactions to political events. In addition to critical content around the Congress and leaders, WeChat also censored neutral and potentially positive references to government policies and ideological concepts. The decision making behind this censorship is a product of the interaction between the government, which influences actions through directives, and the companies, which ultimately implement controls on their platforms. While this system is effective in compelling companies to implement censorship, the intermingling of the state and private companies can lead to outcomes that may not align with government strategies. We call for a deeper understanding of the role of private companies in censorship and a more nuanced assessment of the government's capacity to control social media.


1984 ◽  
Vol 78 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michio Muramatsu ◽  
Ellis S. Krauss

This article extends the recent empirical work on the perceptions and role of bureaucrats and politicians in policymaking. The question of the relationship between politicians and bureaucrats and the role of each in policymaking is especially important in the case of Japan, because the prevalent models of Japanese politics and policymaking are those of the “bureaucracy dominant” or of a closely interwoven “ruling triad” of bureaucracy, big business, and the governing Liberal Democratic Party.Data are from a systematic survey of 251 higher civil servants and 101 members of the government and opposition parties in the House of Representatives, supplemented by data from other surveys and, wherever possible, compared to equivalent data from western democracies.The results indicate that Japanese politicians and bureaucrats resemble Western European elites both in social background and in the fact that although the roles of politician and bureaucrat are converging, there are still differences in their contributions to the policymaking process. However, politicians influence policymaking more than most models of Japanese politics have posited, and even government and opposition politicians share some consensus about the most important policy issues facing Japan. A factor analysis demonstrated that higher civil servants' orientations toward their roles vary significantly with their positions in the administrative hierarchy.The 27-year incumbency of the LDP as ruling party has been particularly important in determining the Japanese variant of the relationship between politicians and bureaucrats. We suggest that the Japanese case shows that the bureaucracy's increasing role in policymaking is universal; however, in late-modernizing political systems like Japan's, where the bureaucracy has always been a dominant actor, the growing power of politicians in postwar politics has been the most significant actor in bringing about more convergence in the two elites. Our data on this trend argue for a more complicated and pluralistic view of Japanese policymaking than that provided by either the bureaucracy-dominant or the ruling-triad model.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 20190707
Author(s):  
Joanie Van de Walle ◽  
Andreas Zedrosser ◽  
Jon E. Swenson ◽  
Fanie Pelletier

Life-history theory predicts a trade-off between offspring size and number. However, the role of intra-litter phenotypic variation in shaping this trade-off is often disregarded. We compared the strength of the relationship between litter size and mass from the perspective of the lightest and the heaviest yearling offspring in 110 brown bear litters in Sweden. We showed that the mass of the lightest yearlings decreased with increasing litter size, but that the mass of the heaviest yearling remained stable, regardless of litter size. Consistent with a conservative reproductive strategy, our results suggest that mothers maintained a stable investment in a fraction of the litter, while transferring the costs of larger litter size to the remaining offspring. Ignoring intra-litter phenotypic variation may obscure our ability to detect a trade-off between offspring size and number.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 146
Author(s):  
I Nyoman Gunarsa ◽  
Saptono Nugroho

This paper aims to determine the role of Banjar Kajeng community, Pemogan Village and relationship between government, investors and local communities in the management of ecotourism attraction in Tahura Ngurah Rai, Denpasar.Research method that used in this research is qualitative method, with theoretical analysis of typology of a community participation and theory of conflict perspective and equipped by tables of tourism actors involved and the patterns of relationship among tourism actors involved in the management of tourist attraction in Tahura Ngurah Rai. The results obtained by this reasearch are the Banjar Kajeng community participation type is manipulative participation and the relationship between the Government, Investors and Local Communities in the Management of Ecotourism attractions in Tahura Ngurah Rai are at conflict stage.


1984 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. R. Sommerville

Although much has been written about Hooker's thought in recent years, particularly since the preparation of the Folger edition of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, surprisingly little has appeared on the relationship between Hooker's ideas and those of contemporary defenders of the Elizabethan establishment. Hooker's Laws was a controversial work, and we can expect to learn much about its meaning by comparing it with the works of his fellow controversialists. The aim of this article is to demonstrate the insight that can be gained from a comparison of his thought with that of his contemporaries, by examining one major problem in its exegesis – that is, his attitude to the role of bishops in the government of the Church.


2017 ◽  
Vol 230 ◽  
pp. 348-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine R. Schenk

AbstractSince colonial times to the present day, Hong Kong's position as a global financial centre is one of the enduring economic strengths of the territory. This success is often attributed to the distinctive role of the state, coined in the 1970s by the-then financial secretary, Sir Philip Haddon-Cave, as “positive non-interventionism.” The relationship between the market and the state has also been characterized as a form of corporatism, particularly in the financial sector as bankers were able to influence policy. However, closer examination of the behind-the-scenes relations between bankers and the state reveals a much more complex relationship, with the banks seeking protection that the government was not willing to provide. Moreover, the reluctance to regulate financial markets resulted in piecemeal interventions and weak implementation that undermined the stability of this sector and of the economy as a whole. This paper demonstrates the confusion over the concept and practicalities of positive non-interventionism, even for Haddon-Cave, and how the concept evolved towards a policy of “when in doubt, do nothing” during a period of financial instability. Along the way, the paper presents new evidence about the origins of Hong Kong's current banking structure.


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