Transnational Turkey: the everyday transnationalism and diversity of Turkish populations in Europe

2019 ◽  
pp. 225-254
Author(s):  
Deniz Neriman Duru ◽  
Adrian Favell ◽  
Albert Varela

This chapter surveys the social transnationalism of the hugely diverse Turkish populations to be found in five of the EU member states in the EUCROSS study. It provides a portrait of a nationality well recognised as the most transnational in the continent, despite not enjoying the privilege of EU citizenship. The chapter stresses the internal heterogeneity of the population: Turkish nationals in different locations need careful distinguishing in terms of ethnicity – notably our samples of ethnic Turks and Kurds – socioeconomic status, religion and politics. Older stereotypes based on low-end ‘guest worker migration’ and linear models of immigration and integration no longer apply easily to the Turkish in Europe. Combining quantitative and qualitative data, the chapter surveys the social transnationalism which anchors Turkey in Europe, and then goes on to explore the political transnationalism of Turks revealed by their varying stances towards the Gezi Park protests of 2013, which took place as fieldwork was being conducted.

2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-66
Author(s):  
Julie Bates

Happy Days is contemporaneous with a number of seminal contributions to the concept of the everyday in postwar France. This essay suggests that the increasingly constrained verbal and physical routines performed by its protagonist Winnie constitute a portrait of the everyday, and goes on to trace the affinities between Beckett's portrait and several formulations of the concept, with particular emphasis on the pronounced gendering of the everyday in many of these theories. The essay suggests the aerial bombings of the Second World War and methods of torture during the Algerian War as potential influences for Beckett's play, and draws a comparison with Marlen Haushofer's 1963 novel The Wall, which reimagines the Romantic myth of The Last Man as The Last Woman. It is significant, however, that the cataclysmic event that precedes the events of Happy Days remains unnamed. This lack of specificity, I suggest, is constitutive of the menace of the play, and has ensured that the political as well as aesthetic power of Happy Days has not dated. Indeed, the everyday of its sentinel figure posted in a blighted landscape continues to articulate the fears of audiences, for whom the play may resonate today as a staging of twenty-first century anxiety about environmental crisis. The essay concludes that in Happy Days we encounter an isolated female protagonist who contrives from scant material resources and habitual bodily rhythms a shelter within a hostile environment, who generates, in other words, an everyday despite the shattering of the social and temporal framework that conventionally underpin its formation. Beckett's play in this way demonstrates the political as well as aesthetic power of the everyday in a time of crisis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 239 ◽  
pp. R3-R13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iain Begg

EU Member States, particularly in the Euro Area, have been pushed to adopt more extensive and intrusive fiscal rules, but what is the evidence that the rules are succeeding? The EU level Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) has been – and remains – the most visible rule-book, but it has been complemented by a profusion of national rules and by new provisions on other sources of macroeconomic imbalance. Much of the analysis of rules has concentrated on their technical merits, but tends to neglect the political economy of compliance. This paper examines the latter, looking at compliance with fiscal rules at EU and Member State levels and at the rules-based mechanisms for curbing other macroeconomic imbalances. It concludes that politically driven implementation and enforcement shortcomings have been given too little attention, putting at risk the integrity and effectiveness of the rules.


2019 ◽  
pp. 61-86
Author(s):  
Justyna Salamońska ◽  
Ettore Recchi

This chapter argues that mobilities – in their plural and multidimensional manifestations – shape the everyday lives of Europeans on a much larger scale than has so far been recognised. The chapter’s interest lies particularly in cross-border mobilities, as these erode the ‘container’ nature of nation state societies. Expanding on previous research on international migration within the EU, we contend that the process of European integration goes hand in hand with globalisation and leads to enhanced relations among individuals that obliterate national boundaries. Through regression analysis and multiple correspondence analysis, the chapter examines to what extent country- and individual-level factors structure these ‘mobility styles’, documenting how access to movement is strongly mediated by socioeconomic status, but also cognitive capacities, both among nationals and non-nationals. We find that the overall robust effects of socioeconomic differences (education, income and gender, in particular) operate quite differently across national contexts.


2010 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Mosca

This article focuses on the political use of the Internet by the Italian Global Justice Movement (GJM) considering both the organizations and the individuals involved in the movement. First, a definition of the concept ‘political use of the Internet’ and its operationalization is provided. Second, light is shed on how the Internet is used politically by participants in social movements taking into account their organizational and participatory experiences. Data were gathered with quantitative and qualitative instruments during different researches: a survey of participants in a demonstration against the ‘Bolkestein’ directive and a series of interviews with representatives of different organizational sectors of the Italian GJM, complemented by a qualitative website analysis of the same organizations. While quantitative data allows for controlling relations among variables concerning the political use of the Internet by individuals, qualitative data provides more detailed information on Internet use in the everyday life of activists and organizations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pauline Huet

This article deals with the Economics of Climate Change (ECC). This research area emerged in the mid-1970s and has grown exponentially since the mid-2000s. This paper is based on Richard Whitley’s characterisation of the general economic field as a ‘partitioned bureaucracy’, which makes a distinction between the centre and peripheral areas. We use bibliometric data to highlight the structure of the ECC and measure to what extent Whitley’s category helps to understand this field better. To complete these quantitative data we use qualitative data, collected via survey and interviews, and we analyse scientific publications. With the help of this combination of data, we are able to provide some explanation of the structuration of the ECC, as well as the role of interdisciplinarity and links with the political field in this process. We also provide insights about the rise of climate change and global warming in the social hierarchy of objects in economics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 37 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 218-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Sofia Salonen

Purpose Recent decades have witnessed a rise in food charity provided by faith-based and other charitable agencies. Previous research has noted that besides material assistance, these occasions provide a social and communal event for many participants. The purpose of this paper is to examine this notion by exploring how the social organization of breadlines contributes to the social relationships between the food recipients and their experiences of these places as communities, and what qualities these communities eventually develop. Design/methodology/approach The study is based on ethnographic data from four breadlines in one Finnish city. The study approaches the breadlines as queues, that is, social systems that govern waiting, mutual order and access. Findings The social organization of queue practices mirrors the users’ experiences of the breadlines as communities with many concurrent faces: as communities of mutual surveillance and as demanding communities that call for skills and resources from the participants, as well as socially significant communities. The findings show how the practices of organizing charitable assistance influence the complex social relationships between charitable giver and recipient, and how the food recipients accommodate themselves to the situations and social roles available on a given occasion. Originality/value Analysing breadlines as queues and using qualitative data from the everyday assistance events gives voice to the experiences of food charity recipients and allows a more nuanced picture to be painted of the breadline communities than studies based merely on surveys or interviews.


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-127
Author(s):  
Maryam Rutner

AbstractThis survey examines the content and purpose of the political science discipline in respect to seven prominent universities in Iran and its significance for the Iranian society. It is based on quantitative and qualitative data including personal interviews and survey results, as well as theses conducted by political science students, academic articles written by scholars in the field, and university curricula. The survey suggests that Iranian political science after the 1979 revolution addresses contemporary political problems and challenges related to Iran only to a limited extent, and is predominantly theoretical and “borrowed” in nature, despite the goal during the Cultural Revolution to indigenize and Islamicize the social sciences.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-75
Author(s):  
Milka Malfait

Introduction: Statistics have proven that both the European Union (“EU”) and the Russian Federation (“Russia”) suffer from terrorism in its current form. Intensifying partnerships to combat terrorism would be a good idea. This essay envisages to illustrate a common base for cooperation in the fight against terrorism despite of some general differences in policy and structure between the EU and Russia.Materials and methods: The methodological basis of the research has both an analytical and descriptive nature. As for the analytical nature, sta­tistical, qualitative and comparative analyses were used while researching political phenomena and processes in the sphere of national security and coun­terterrorism. The author also applied the inductive method. The materials observed include the distinct approaches of Russia and the EU in terms of threats to national security including terrorism.Results: The author reveals there are four fundamental issues which ask for more attention in the EU-Russia dialogue on Freedom, Justice and Security and particularly with regard to the fight against terrorism. Firstly, statistics prove that Europe (EU and Russia) are impacted by modern terrorism, yet not by the same cases of terrorism. Secondly, Russia’s experience in counterterrorism is crucial. Thirdly, the scale ‘freedom’ and ‘human rights’ versus ‘security’ has not the same ratio in the EU and in Russia. Fourthly, the concept sovereignty is differently interpreted by the EU, the EU Member States and Russia. Despite all the differences in views, it is clear that the EU could learn a lot from Russia, as one of the key States with considerable experience in the fight against terrorism. Although the EU and Russia face different forms and problems and the roots of Western European terrorism sometimes have a slightly different origin, this does not negate the fact that they could foster cooperation.Discussion and conclusion: The governmental approaches of the EU and Russia on national security were discussed as well as the common grounds for cooperation, namely the threat of terrorism. It is proved that both systems have different features and are not always compatible with each other. The following recommendation of setting up an anti-terrorism working group was provided as well as the advice to eliminate the political distrust.


2006 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Vorobyova

Today the EU and Canada experience a significant international migration inflow that requires a delicate treatment on the government side which would not contradict with these countries’ adherence to a liberal nation-state idea. The non-ratification of the EU Constitution precluded the creation of a common immigration policy that could facilitate and level the social integration of immigrants within the EU member states that currently have different historically shaped strategies towards the newcomers. Even though the legal and economic barriers for immigration and naturalization have been reasonably decreased over the past decades across the EU, the legacies of nationalizing citizenship laws are still persistent and immigrants are expected to integrate into the host cultures. These path dependent repercussions contradict the idea of a liberal nation-state and erect the second level barriers (besides legal and economic ones) for integration of immigrants into the host societies. These cultural barriers are more persistent in the social consciousness than the institutionalized ones, which is a reason for why liberalizing laws are not the most effective means for facilitating the immigrants’ integration into the host societies. This situation of intensive immigration combined with the low opportunities for social integration gives grounds to instability and dissatisfaction within certain social groups in the EU. This paper investigates how multiculturalism policy in Canada contributes to a higher level of immigrants’ integration into Canadian society as compared to the EU memberstates. Moreover, the novel information from the Centre of Excellence for the Study of Immigration at Simon Fraser University suggests that maintenance of immigrant ethnicities contributes to the overall economic success of a country, which is another reason for the introducing multiculturalism and a common EU immigration policy.


2006 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjetil Sandvik

Abstract Computer games play an important role in the cultural daily life of children, teenagers and adults. This has led to arguments both in the EU and the Nordic countries that computer games should be included in the culture political strategies for financial funding as well as the development of talents for the game industry. Still this has yet to result in culture political efforts and progressive strategies on a larger scale. On the contrary the political initiatives tend to result in restrictions more than efforts being made to encourage and develop the game industry. This article draws a picture of the current culture political situation and criticizes the media skeptical debate for making a poor starting point for formulating a progressive political strategy. It would be more fruitful to have a closer look at the specific characteristics of computer games and how computer games are being played and the role they are playing in the social life of different groups of player. The article outlines ananalytical apparatus for evaluation of quality in computer games.


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