Mission impossible? Research praxis and activist interventions in New Zealand media policy

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-244
Author(s):  
Peter A. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Digital Media ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Interactive Media ◽  
Academic Community ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Vested Interests ◽  
Research Praxis

Over the last two decades, public media arrangements in many countries have been eroded by unsympathetic governments cutting subsidies/license fees or, in some cases, actively dismantling their institutional arrangements. The proliferation of online/mobile/interactive media has legitimated a view among some policy-makers and vested interests within the private media sector that public service provisions are an anachronism in the digital media ecology. In such a context, critical media scholars whose research is intended to not only inform the academic community but influence public policy face significant challenges. Drawing on the author’s own experience of praxis in the New Zealand media policy sector, the article presents three case studies: the campaign to save TVNZ7, the campaign to unfreeze Radio New Zealand’s funding and the Fairfax-NZME merger. These serve to highlight some of the practical and normative challenges for research praxis, particularly those encountered by scholars who engage with pro-public service media advocacy coalitions. In doing so, the analysis will identify several points of tension that arise when research praxis attempts to extend beyond describing the world to trying to influence the policies and practices being studied. These include questions of whether it is possible/desirable to sustain academic objectivity/neutrality in seeking to develop stakeholder relations or whether commitment to an ideological or politically partisan position is necessary or problematic. The complexities and compromises of seeking access to policy-makers as an ‘insider’ as opposed to neutral ‘outsider’ are also considered. The analysis concludes that there is no necessary contradiction between critical praxis and scholarly independence and, indeed, that praxis may serve to improve the quality of academic scholarship through stakeholder engagement.

The return of public media policy in New Zealand: New hope or lost cause?

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter A. Thompson
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Digital Media ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
Media Ecology ◽  
Public Broadcasting ◽  
Media Policy ◽  
Significant Shift ◽  
Local Content ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Media

The formation of a new coalition government in New Zealand in the wake of the 2017 election ended three terms of National-led governments and raised the prospect of a significant shift in media policy. National had insisted that in the digital media ecology, the funding of public broadcasting institutions was no longer a priority and that platform-neutral contestable funding of local content would ensure the quality and diversity of content. This saw the demise of the TVNZ Charter and its two commercial-free channels (TVNZ 6 and 7), while both Radio New Zealand (RNZ) and the local content funding agency, NZ On Air, had their funding frozen. The 2017 election of the Labour-NZ First-Green government came with the promise of an additional investment of NZ$38m in public media, the expansion of RNZ’s remit to include a commercial-free television channel, and the establishment of an independent commission to assess funding needs for public media. However, the media ecology Labour now faces entails new policy complexities. Deregulation, financialization and convergence have not only intensified commercial pressures on the media, they have led to important shifts in the ways audiences discover and engage with media content. In turn, this complicates the traditional models of state intervention intended to deliver public service outcomes. Adopting a critical institutionalist framework this article will highlight key shifts in media policy trajectory since 1999 and highlight some key differences between the public broadcasting initiatives of 1999–2008 and the approach thus far of the incoming government. The article analyses how competing intra-party and inter-ministerial priorities have circumscribed the media policy options available and thereby highlight the way political–economic interests in the media ecology manifest in public policy.

scholarly journals International perspectives on the funding of public service media content for children

2017 ◽  
Vol 163 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeanette Steemers
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Market Failure ◽  
Children's Television ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Diverse Range ◽  
International Perspectives ◽  
Media Services ◽  
Vested Interests ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Face

Funding original children’s television has never been easy because this is rarely a commercially attractive proposition unless you target a global audience and tap into ancillary revenues from licenced merchandise. As a case of market failure, policy makers who wish to ensure the production of a diverse range of quality content for children have therefore pursued a range of interventions to ensure sustainable levels of local content in the face of strong competition from US-owned media services. The aim of this article is to evaluate different funding options for public service children’s content in a more challenging and competitive multiplatform media environment in countries with a strong tradition of public service content for children. Focussing on interventions that go beyond public service broadcasting (PSB) (quotas, alternative funds), it assesses the extent to which these interventions reflect a future-oriented approach, or one that is mired in the status quo and vested interests.

Welfare State Values and Public Service Media in the Era of Datafication

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kaarina Nikunen ◽  
Jenni Hokka
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Welfare States ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
Media Environment ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Companies ◽  
Data Practices ◽  
Public Media ◽  
New Public

Welfare states have historically been built on values of egalitarianism and universalism and through high taxation that provides free education, health care, and social security for all. Ideally, this encourages participation of all citizens and formation of inclusive public sphere. In this welfare model, the public service media are also considered some of the main institutions that serve the well-being of an entire society. That is, independent, publicly funded media companies are perceived to enhance equality, citizenship, and social solidarity by providing information and programming that is driven by public rather than commercial interest. This article explores how the public service media and their values of universality, equality, diversity, and quality are affected by datafication and a platformed media environment. It argues that the embeddedness of public service media in a platformed media environment produces complex and contradictory dependencies between public service media and commercial platforms. The embeddedness has resulted in simultaneous processes of adapting to social media logics and datafication within public service media as well as in attempts to create alternative public media value-driven data practices and new public media spaces.

scholarly journals Ongoing downplaying of the carcinogenicity of chrysotile asbestos by vested interests

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xaver Baur ◽  
Arthur L. Frank
Keyword(s):  
Tobacco Industry ◽  
Scientific Journals ◽  
Chrysotile Asbestos ◽  
Health Issues ◽  
Adverse Health Effects ◽  
Mining Companies ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Overwhelming Evidence ◽  
Vested Interests ◽  
Liability Claims

AbstractIndustries that mine, manufacture and sell asbestos or asbestos-containing products have a long tradition of promoting the use of asbestos, while placing the burden of economic and health costs on workers and society. This has been successfully done in recent years and decades in spite of the overwhelming evidence that all asbestos types are carcinogenic and cause asbestosis. In doing so, the asbestos industry has undermined the WHO campaign to reach a worldwide ban of asbestos and to eliminate asbestos-related diseases. Even worse, in recent years they succeeded in continuing asbestos mining and consuming in the range of about 1.3 million tons annually. Nowadays, production takes place predominantly in Russia, Kazakhstan and China. Chrysotile is the only asbestos type still sold and represents 95% of asbestos traded over the last century.The asbestos industry, especially its PR agency, the International Chrysotile Association, ICA, financed by asbestos mining companies in Russia, Kazakhstan and Zimbabwe and asbestos industrialists in India and Mexico, continues to be extremely active by using slogans such as chrysotile can be used safely.Another approach of the asbestos industry and of some of its insurance agencies is to broadly defeat liability claims of asbestos victims.In doing so they systematically use inappropriate science produced by their own and/or by industry-affiliated researchers. Some of the latter were also engaged in producing defense material for other industries including the tobacco industry. Frequent examples of distributing such disinformation include questioning or denying established scientific knowledge about adverse health effects of asbestos. False evidence continues to be published in scientific journals and books.The persisting strong influence of vested asbestos-related interests in workers and public health issues including regulations and compensation necessitate ongoing alertness, corrections and appropriate reactions in scientific as well as public media and policy advisory bodies.

scholarly journals An unlikely partnership? New Zealand–South Korea bilateral cooperation and Antarctic order

Polar Record ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Flamm
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
South Korea ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Global Power ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Vested Interests ◽  
The Status ◽  
Bilateral Cooperation ◽  
And Performance ◽  
The Cold War

Abstract While the Antarctic Treaty System intended to keep Antarctica an area of international cooperation and science free from militarisation and international conflict, the region has not been completely shielded from global power transitions, such as decolonisation and the end of the Cold War. Presently, emerging countries from Asia are increasingly willing to invest in polar infrastructure and science on the back of their growing influence in world politics. South Korea has also invested heavily in its Antarctic infrastructure and capabilities recently and has been identified as an actor with economic and political interests that are potentially challenging for the existing Antarctic order. This article first assesses the extent and performance of the growing bilateral cooperation between South Korea and one of its closest partners, New Zealand, a country with strong vested interests in the status quo order. How did the cooperation develop between these two actors with ostensibly diverging interests? This article finds that what may have been a friction–laden relationship, actually developed into a win-win partnership for both countries. The article then moves on to offer an explanation for how this productive relationship was made possible by utilising a mutual socialisation approach that explores socio-structural processes around status accommodation.

The battle over employers’ demand for “more flexibility”

2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (6) ◽  
pp. 886-906 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erling Rasmussen ◽  
Barry Foster ◽  
Deirdre Farr
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Survey Design ◽  
Postal Questionnaire ◽  
Cross Sectional Survey ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Employer Attitudes ◽  
Legislative Changes ◽  
Employment Legislation

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to place empirical research on New Zealand employers’ attitudes to collective bargaining and legislative change within the context of the long running debate of flexibility. Design/methodology/approach A cross-sectional survey design using a self-administered postal questionnaire, covering private sector employers with ten or more staff and including employers within all 17 standard industry classification. To explore particular issues, an additional in-depth interviews were conducted of 25 employers participating in the survey. Findings It is found that employers support overwhelmingly recent legislative changes though there are variations across industries and firm sizes. There is also considerable variation in terms of which legislative changes are applied in the workplace. Despite fewer constraints on employer-determined flexibility, there was a rather puzzling finding that most employers still think that employment legislation is even balanced or favouring employees. Originality/value Cross-sectional survey findings of New Zealand employer attitudes to legislative changes are few and provide valuable data for policy makers, unions, employers and employment relations researchers. The paper also contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of pressures to increase employer-determined flexibility in many western countries.

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