scholarly journals Instituciones, coaliciones callejeras e inestabilidad política: perspectivas teóricas sobre las crisis presidenciales

2008 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aníbal Pérez-Liñán

RESUMEN: En las últimas dos décadas, trece presidentes electos han sido removidos del cargo en América Latina. ¿Cómo debemos conceptualizar este nuevo patrón de inestabilidad política y cómo explicarlo? En la primera sección de este artículo se identifican una serie de categorías (renuncia anticipada, juicio político y golpe legislativo) que permiten delimitar con mayor claridad al fenómeno de interés. En la segunda sección se presentan dos perspectivas analíticas para entender el origen de estas crisis (una institucional y otra basada en los movimientos sociales) y se explora el papel de otras causas remotas, como los factores económicos. La sección tercera presenta varios problemas en la identificación de las causas de las crisis y presenta un modelo empírico que sugiere que la protesta popular y las condiciones institucionales interactúan para definir el resultado del proceso político. En las conclusiones se exploran las consecuencias de estas crisis para la democracia y el presidencialismo.ABSTRACT: In the past two decades, thirteen elected presidents have been ousted in Latin America. How should we conceptualize this emerging pattern of political instability and how can we explain it? The first section of the paper identifies some categories (early resignation, impeachment, and legislative coup) that help us delimit the phenomenon of interest. The second section reviews two analytical perspectives that seek to explain the origins of recent crises (one emphasizing institutions and the other one based on social movements) and discusses the relevance  of more remote explanations such as economic conditions. The third section introduces some of the problems confronted by those trying to identify causes of political crises and presents an empirical model suggesting that popular protest and institutional conditions interact to determine the outcome of political processes. The conclusions explore the consequences of recent crises for democracy and presidentialism in the region.

GEOgraphia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (42) ◽  
pp. 89
Author(s):  
Rejane Cristina de Araujo Rodrigues

Resumo: Filmes do Cinema de Hollywood são representativos de um imaginário geopolítico hegemônico. A este imaginário contrapõe-se uma antigeopolítica identificada nas representações de filmes do Cinema do Terceiro Mundo. Partindo de importantes contribuições da geografia política crítica que apontam para articulações entre as representações geopolíticas e os filmes, analisamos três filmes que retratam a América Latina em um dos períodos mais conturbados da sua história. Sua análise nos revela elementos característicos de uma geopolítica de resistência durante as ditaduras civil-militares implantadas no Brasil, no Chile e na Argentina.Palavras-chave: Antigeopolítica. Cinema. América Latina. Ditadura. THE THIRD WORLD CINEMA UNDER THE ANTIGEOPOLITICS VIEW: DICTATORSHIP AND RESISTANCE IN LATIN AMERICAAbstract: Hollywood film movies are representative of a hegemonic geopolitical imaginary. This imaginary contrasts with an antigeopolitics identified in the Third World Cinema representations. Based on important contributions from critical political geography that points to articulations between geopolitical representations and movies, we analyze three cinema productions that portray Latin America in one of the most troubled periods of its history. That analysis reveals elements of a geopolitics of resistance related to the civil-military dictatorships implanted in Brazil, Chile and Argentina.Keywords: Antigeopolitics. Movies. Latin America. Dictatorship. EL CINE DEL TERCER MUNDO BAJO LA VISIÓN ANTIGEOPOLÍTICA: DICTADURA Y RESISTENCIA EN AMÉRICA LATINAResumen: Películas del Cine de Hollywood son representativas de un imaginario geopolítico hegemónico. A este imaginario se contrapone una antigeopolítica identificada en las representaciones de películas del Cine del Tercer Mundo. A partir de importantes contribuciones de la geografía política crítica que apuntan para articulaciones entre las representaciones geopolíticas y las películas, analizamos tres películas que retratan la América Latina en uno de los períodos más revueltos de su historia. Su análisis nos revela elementos característicos de una geopolítica de resistencia durante las dictaduras implantadas en Brasil, en Chile y en Argentina.Palabras clave: Antigeopolítica. Cine. América Latina. Dictadura.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
João Carlos Amoroso Botelho

Desde que autores como Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) e Ianni (1975) aplicaram a noção de populismo à América Latina, muito se escreveu sobre o tema. O conceito se estirou tanto que tem servido para definir políticos os mais díspares. Com a ausência das condições socioeconômicas descritas pelas formulações clássicas, a estratégia adotada é limitar a categoria à dimensão política. Esse procedimento, porém, não é capaz de descrever atributos exclusivos suficientes para que o populismo seja um fenômeno específico. Ao mesmo tempo, o conceito está tão enraizado que não é viável abandoná-lo. A solução proposta é avaliar em quais características um político se aproxima e se afasta dos casos paradigmáticos do passado. Assim, ele pode ser populista em certos aspectos e não em outros. Com esse procedimento, se chega a uma classificação, em que um líder apresente mais ou menos atributos descritos pelas definições clássicas, eliminando a necessidade de reformulação constante do conceito para adaptá-lo a novas circunstâncias. Também haveria menos espaço a que o rótulo de populista continuasse servindo para desqualificar políticos latino-americanos. O artigo aborda definições clássicas e recentes aplicadas à América Latina e avalia a viabilidade empírica da estratégia de se concentrar na dimensão política.---LA APLICACIÓN DEL CONCEPTO DE POPULISMO AMÉRICA LATINA: la necesidad de clasificar, y no descalificar Desde que autores como Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) y Ianni (1975) aplicaron la noción de populismo a la América Latina, mucho se ha escrito sobre el tema. El concepto se ha estirado tanto que ha definido políticos muy dispares. Con la ausencia de las condiciones socioeconómicas descritas por las formulaciones clásicas, la estrategia adoptada es concentrarse en la dimensión política. Ese procedimiento, sin embargo, no es capaz de describir atributos exclusivos suficientes para que el populismo sea un fenómeno específico. Al mismo tiempo, el concepto está tan enraizado que no es viable abandonarlo. La solución propuesta es evaluar en cuales características un político se acerca y se aleja de los casos paradigmáticos del pasado. Así, ello puede ser populista en ciertos aspectos y no en otros. Con ese procedimiento, se llega a una clasificación, en que un líder presente más o menos atributos descritos por las definiciones clásicas, eliminando la necesidad de reformulación constante del concepto. También habría menos espacio a que el rótulo de populista continuase sirviendo para descalificar políticos latinoamericanos. El artículo presenta definiciones clásicas y recientes aplicadas a la América Latina y discute la viabilidad empírica de la estrategia de concentrarse en la dimensión política.Palabras-clave: populismo; América Latina; casos paradigmáticos; clasificación.---THE APPLICATION OF THE CONCEPT OF POPULISM IN LATIN AMERICA: the need to classify and not disqualifyEver since authors such as Germani (1962), Di Tella (1969) and Ianni (1975) applied the notion of populism in Latin America, much has been written on the subject. The concept stretched out so much that it has served to define the most dissimilar politicians. In the absence of socioeconomic conditions described by classical formulations, the strategy adopted is to restrict the category to the political dimension. Such a procedure, however, is not capable of describing adequate particular attributes that populism would be a specific phenomenon. At the same time, the concept is so deeply embedded in our society that it is not feasible to abandon it. The proposed solution is to evaluate in which characteristics a politician reaches and moves away from the paradigmatic cases of the past. Thus, it can be populist in some respects and not in others. In such a procedure, we arrive at a classification in which a leader shows more or less attributes described by classical definitions, eliminating the need for constant reformulation of the concept to adapt it to new circumstances. Also, there would be less space to which the label of populist would continue to serve to disqualify Latin American politicians. The article discusses recent and classic settings applied to Latin America and assesses the empirical viability of focusing on the political dimension strategy.Key words: populism; Latin America; paradigmatic cases; classification.


2019 ◽  
pp. 176-231
Author(s):  
D. Gary Miller

Verbs in Gothic are thematic, athematic, or preterite present. Several classes, including modals, are discussed. Strong verbs have seven classes, weak verbs four. Inflectional categories are first, second, and third person, singular, dual (except in the third person), and plural number. Tenses are nonpast and past/preterite. There are two inflected moods, indicative and optative, and two voices (active, passive). The passive is synthetic in the nonpast indicative and optative. The past system features two periphrastic passives, one stative-eventive with wisan (be), the other inchoative and change of state with wairþan (become). Middle functions are mostly represented by simple reflexive structures and -nan verbs. Nonfinite categories include one voice-underspecified infinitive, a nonpast and past participle, and a present active imperative. The third person imperative is normally expressed by an optative.


1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arpad Von Lazar ◽  
Michele McNabb

Latin American societies and economies are. in a world of change and transition. The past decade, from 1973 to the present, has been for them an era of anxiety on the one hand and of opportunity on the other, a paradoxical era in which prospects for development had to compete with the high social costs of stagnation in many instances.Energy was the catchword, and the name of energy was oil. Its price, its availability, and its promise (a road to riches for those fortunate enough to possess it, a threat of increasing poverty for those unfortunate enough to have to buy it) brought turmoil to the economies, and the bodies politic, of Latin America.


2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elie Podeh

Previous research on the way in which the Arab-Israeli conflict and the image of the Arab have been presented in Jewish history and civics textbooks established that there have been three phases, each typified by its own distinctive textbooks. The shift from the first to the third generation of textbooks saw a gradual improvement in the way the Other has been described, with the elimination of many biases, distortions and omissions. This article explores whether new history textbooks, published from 2000 to 2010, have entrenched or reversed this trend. With the escalation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict since the early 2000s, one might have expected that the past linear process of improvement would be reversed. However, textbooks written over the last decade do not substantially differ from those written in the 1990s, during the heyday of the peace process. The overall picture is, therefore, that the current textbooks do not constitute a fourth generation.


Author(s):  
Jeremy Wallace

Most people in human history have lived under some kind of nondemocratic rule. Political scientists, on the other hand, have focused most efforts on democracies. The borders demarcating ideal types of democracies from nondemocracies are fuzzy, but beyond finding those borders is another, arguably greater, inferential challenge: understanding politics under authoritarianism. For instance, many prior studies ignored transitions between different authoritarian regimes and saw democratization as the prime threat to dictators. However, recent scholarship has shown this to be an error, as more dictators are replaced by other dictators than by democracy. A burgeoning field of authoritarianism scholarship has made considerable headway in the endeavor to comprehend dictatorial politics over the past two decades. Rather than attempting to summarize this literature in its entirety, three areas of research are worth reviewing, related to change inside of the realm of authoritarian politics. The two more mature sets of research have made critical contributions, the first in isolating different kinds of authoritarian turnover and the second in separating the plethora of authoritarian regimes into more coherent categories using various typologies. How do we understand authoritarian turnover? Authoritarian regimes undergo distinct, dramatic, and observable changes at three separate levels—in leaders, regimes, and authoritarianism itself. Drawing distinctions between these changes improves our understanding of the ultimate fates of dictators and authoritarian regimes. How do we understand the diversity of authoritarian regimes? Scholarship has focused on providing competing accounts of authoritarian types, along with analyses of institutional setup of regimes as well as their organization of military forces. Authoritarian typologies, generally coding regimes by the identities of their leaders and elite allies, show common tendencies, and survival patterns tend to vary across types. The third research area, still developing, goes further into assessing changes inside authoritarian regimes by estimating the degree of personalized power across regimes, the causes and consequences of major policy changes—or reforms—and rhetorical or ideological shifts.


1970 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 82-90
Author(s):  
Michael Drake

In recent years the quest for the proper form and content of social science studies has been a major preoccupation of academics. The reasons for this are numerous: the very rapid expansion of higher education generally and the particularly marked demand for the social sciences has led to a proliferation of new departments; brash young men have been promoted early (too early, many would say) to positions of power within the universities; the increasingly vocal criticism by the consumers of education – the students themselves – and, perhaps most important of all, a growing desire to re-aggregate human knowledge to counter the trend towards ever narrower degrees of specialism. All these factors have contributed to a mounting dissatisfaction with the traditional ways of studying the social sciences – that is, in almost hermetically sealed departments of economics, of politics, of sociology, and so on. Instead attempts have been made to draw the various social sciences together in studies of particular areas (Britain, Latin America, the underdeveloped world, the ‘new nations’); or of particular processes such as industrialisation, or urbanisation; or of particular problems as associated with, for instance, poverty or race. Each of these represents, of course, a multi- or inter-disciplinary approach to the study of the social sciences. Over the past four years I have been associated with two attempts to produce an integrated, inter-disciplinary course in social sciences. One was a failure; the other, my current preoccupation, is, I think, promising. What I have to say tonight is concerned with an analysis of these two intellectual experiments.


2004 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis Lopes DINIZ FILHO ◽  
Yara VICENTINI

O artigo aborda paradigmas da utopia ambiental da cidade sustentável, discutindo as definições de sustentabilidade, aliada à transferência economicista do termo competitividade, entendendo que as estratégias de desenvolvimento devem pautar-se em progressivos investimentos para a obtenção de melhores índices de qualidade de vida, conforme indicadores internacionais. Trata da assimilação de modelos definidos para grandes capitais mundializadas, em realidades diferenciadas na miséria metropolitana do terceiro mundo. Nesses termos, aos paradigmas presentes nas propostas de reorganização espacial e produtiva do território, assim como nas reformas urbanas contemporâneas em curso nas cidades mundiais, não correspondem possibilidades de investimento e renda geral da população na América Latina, resultando em assimilações incompletas de políticas de gestão urbana ou em cenários mal acabados de projetos urbanos. Contemporany spacial theories: the concept of competitiveness and the paradigm of environmental sustainability Abstract This paper deals with broaches the paradigms of the environmental utopia of the sustainability cities, arguing about the sustainability concept, allied with the economicist transference of the term competitiveness, understanding that development strategies must support themselves in progressive investiments on achieving better life quality indicators, based on internacional levels. It treats about the assimilation of models defined to world cities, in differing realities in the third world metropolitan misery. This way the paradigms of spacial and productive territory reorganization proposals, just like on the contemporary urban reforms going on the global cities, do not correspond to the possibilities of investment and general incoming of the Latin America population, resulting in incomplete assimilations of urban management policies or in badly finished urban projects scenaries.


1959 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry Kantor

The election of Rómulo Betancourt as constitutional President of Venezuela for the 1959-1964 term marks a turning point in that country's political evolution and a high point in the tide of reform now sweeping Latin American toward stable constitutional government. The new president of Venezuela and the party he leads, Acción Democrática, represent the same type of reformist movement as those now flourishing in many other countries of Latin America. As a result, dictatorship in the spring of 1959 is confined to the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, and Paraguay. The situation in Haiti is unclear, but in the other sixteen republics the governments are controlled by parties and leaders which are to a greater or lesser degree trying to get away from the past and seem to have the support of their populations in their efforts. This marks a great change from most of the past history of the Latin American Republics in which the population was ruled by dictatorial cliques dedicated to the preservation of a status quo which meant the perpetuation of poverty and backwardness for most of the Latin Americans.


Author(s):  
Guilhème Pérodeau

ABSTRACTThis is the third edition of a book published at the beginning of the 80s. According to Mishara and his colleagues, as many studies in gerontology have been undertaken in the last decade as the previous 50 years. In order to update the last edition, the authors kept the same format as in the other editions. Leaving aside more recent studies showing the same conclusions as in the earlier editions, the authors instead added studies which present new elements or which possibly may invalidate or confirm ambiguous results from the past. The themes discussed are practically the same as in the previous edition. A new chapter was added on the use of medicines and drugs by the elderly. The chapters pertaining to death and grief are of particular interest. This book, although academic, has a flowing style and is a great added value to a library if the reader does not have any of the previous editions.


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