scholarly journals GERAKAN SOSIAL DAN NALAR ISLAM PROGRESIF: MENCARI TITIK TEMU KERANGKA METATEORI

Author(s):  
Ahmad Izudin

This article will examine how progressive Islam’s reasoning can be a reference to free human beings from the exploitation and domination of social class? So what social movements can we do in the midst of crush the nation’s problems related to the exploitation of natural resources that increasingly vine? From this point on, I hope to get a meta-theory regulation that can be implied entirely for the benefit of society, in order to be free from exploitation and domination. To answer this important position, the discourse of social movements can be mapped into two, namely old social movement and new social movement. While Islam as a universal religion, there is no need to discuss theological-transcendental issues, but how the theology should create a new, more applicable avenue of dialectics to answer the question the rulers of powers domination. In the hope of a progressive, inclusive, open-minded, and pluralist theological doctrine. The results of this study may contribute to the development of science and the movement that became a turning point and reference in social change.[Artikel ini hendak mengkaji bagaimana nalar Islam progresif yang dapat menjadi acuan untuk membebaskan manusia dari eksploitasi dan dominasi kelas sosial? Lantas gerakan sosial apa yang dapat kita lakukan di tengah himpitan persoalan bangsa terkait eksploitasi sumber daya alam yang kian menggurita? Dari titik ini, maka saya berharap mendapat satu regulasi metateori yang bisa diimplikasikan sepenuhnya untuk kepentingan masyarakat, agar bisa terbebas dari ekspolitasi dan dominasi. Untuk menjawab posisi penting ini, maka diskursus gerakan sosial dapat dipetakan menjadi dua, yakni old social movement dan new social movement. Sementara Islam sebagai agama universal, tidak perlu lagi membahas persoalan teologis-transendental, tetapi bagaimana teologi itu harus menciptakan ruang dealektika baru yang lebih aplikatif menjawab persoalan dominasi kekuasaan para penguasa. Dengan harapan munculnya doktrin teologis yang progresif, inklusif, open-minded, dan pluralis. Hasil kajian ini semoga memberikan kontribusi bagi perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan dan gerakan yang menjadi titik balik dan acuan dalam perubahan sosial.]

Author(s):  
Dana M. Williams

Anarchism is a commonly misunderstood social and political ideology, yet it has remarkable affinities and commonalities with many contemporary global social movements. While most current social movement theories either poorly or inadequately explain the anarchist movement, the new social movement (NSM) theories describe many characteristics closely synonymous with anarchism. Due to the historically confused and contradictory discourse around NSMs and NSM theories, I adopt two distinct approaches here, by (1) considering what conditions or factors lead to the current movement moment and (2) evaluating the “objective” analysis of certain movement qualities. This chapter analyzes anarchism and anarchist movements via six primary characteristics of NSM theories, and finds a great deal of compatibility. Specifically, anarchism has grown beyond—but not completely—industrial conflict and politics, broadened to include new social constituencies such as middle class participants, used anti-hierarchical organizations and networks, engaged in symbolic direct actions, used a strategic and self-limiting radicalism, and has created new anarchist identities. However, modern anarchism may be differentiated from other NSMs (like ecological and LGBT-rights movements) by certain unique characteristics, including revolutionary anti-statism, radical practicality, anti-capitalism, and a degree of core compatibility with classical anarchism. The strategic and tactical benefits of these characteristics are discussed.


2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Gahr ◽  
Michael Young

This article provides a comparative analysis of two religiously inspired protests that fed broader social movements: the "rebellion" of immediate abolitionists at Lane Seminary in Cincinnati in 1834 and the new-left "breakthrough" at the Christian Faith-and-Life Community in Austin in 1960. The two cases are examples of moral protests breaking out of Protestant institutions and shaping social movements. From the comparison, we draw general lessons about the meso- and micro-level processes of activist conversions. We show how processes of "rationalization" and "subjectivation" combined in the emergence of new contentious moral orders. We apply these lessons to help explain the creative interactions of evangelical Protestants in the history of American moral protest. Our approach accords with pragmatist and new social movement theories of emergent moral orders.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Schieck

"This research project investigates some contemporary urban aspects of the politics of food. Taking social movement theory as my theoretical framework, this paper examines the ways in which the practices and services of Toronto organizations such as the Stop Community Food Centre, FoodShare, and Not Far From The Tree promote countercultural food ideologies and thus may be viewed as actors attempting to influence political and social change through food. While individual organizations should not be confused with social movements, it is possible that we may be able look at this ensemble of organizations as an informal network that exemplifies a new contemporary form of social movement."--Pages 3-4.


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Sutton ◽  
Stephen Vertigans

European new social movement (NSM) theory was developed to describe and explain the apparently unique character of the wave of collective action that began in the 1960s and continues to this day. Key characteristics of NSM theory are a post-industrial orientation, middle-class activist core, loose organizational form, use of symbolic direct actions, creation of new identities, and a "self-limiting radicalism." The theory's claims to movement innovation were later criticized by many as exaggerated and ahistorical. However, the filtering down of key NSM elements into social movement studies has led to changing definitions of what social movements actually are and opened up new opportunities for the integration of religious movements into the social movements mainstream. Using the case of radical Islam, and with particular reference to the terrorist social movement organization al-Qa'ida, this article argues that drawing on key features of NSM theory should lead to a better understanding of radical Islam as well as a more realistic explanation of its continuing development and transformation.


Author(s):  
Sheldondra J. Brown ◽  
Grace M. Babcock ◽  
Monica Bixby Radu

Because of the increasing importance of the link between social media and social movements, recent research attempts to bridge the gap between media studies and sociological research on social movements. Yet, questions remain unanswered. For example, does social media help facilitate activism that leads to social change? What are the strengths and limitations of social media in creating and maintaining a social movement? This chapter explores these questions and others, paying attention to the #Blacklivesmatter hashtag and social movement, which scholars argue is a power force demanding social change in America. This chapter introduces the concepts of social media and social movements and reviews recent literature examining how social media plays an active role in creating and encouraging social movements. This chapter also considers how sociological theory can provide a better understanding of what social media means for modern social change and concludes with suggestions for future research.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cassie Earl

This autoethnagraphic article argues that in the study of political education, especially learning through social movement activities, the knowledge produced by the research will be of greater social use if researchers position themselves as ‘cognitive activists’. This is because, the article argues, the researcher needs to work in solidarity with social movements for socially just change in order to reconnect academic knowledge work to the wider struggles for social change. The article thinks through the implications and ideas around this framing of research work and positionality. It then goes on to examine in detail one of the techniques for taking this position – that of the mutually useful conversation frame of the research interview – exploring why this thinking came about and how this framing of the interview is politically necessary for the cognitive activism proposed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-511
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Takovski

AbstractAs many social movements demonstrate, humor can serve as an important resource to resist oppression, fight social injustice and bring social change. Existing research has focused on humor’s role within social movements and its positive effects on the free expression of criticism, reduction of fear, communication, mobilization of participants and so on. However, the current literature on the activist use of humor also expresses some reservations about its political efficacy. While humor may steam off the energy necessary to counteract oppression and injustice, other tools of achieving the same political ends have been successfully deployed, primarily social media. Building upon this research, the present case study explores the 2016 Macedonian social movement called the Colorful Revolution. In particular, through the analysis of social media and activists’ reflection on the political use of humor, this case study examines how on-line humor contributed to the emergence and development of the movement. Factoring in activists’ opinions on the role of humor in society and especially in movements, while also paying attention to the role of social media, this case study tends to re-interpret the role of humor in the totality of the actions and circumstances underpinning the development of a social movement.


Author(s):  
Orestis Varkarolis ◽  
Daniel King

Purpose What it is like to experience being the subject of the research process when you are an actor within a new social movement organization? And what lessons can be learned for researchers engaging with members of New Social Movements? Debates on engagement and the relationship between the researcher and the researched so far have taken the perspective solely of the researcher. Based on insights gained by full participation in a horizontal worker cooperative, the purpose of this paper is to contribute to the facilitation of more fruitful, mutually engaging research relations between organizational theory scholars and members of New Social Movement organizations by voicing the researched in this debate. Design/methodology/approach After providing some accounts from the researched point of view, the paper focuses on crafting an appropriate research process based on participatory action research (PAR) ethos and experience. Findings Since the research findings suggest that PAR combines elements that both trouble and inspire research participants, namely, workload/availability and relevancy/contribution in practice, the authors introduce and provide a case study of responsive action research that emphasizes adaptation and responsiveness in the research process instead of shared governance. Originality/value The originality of this paper lies in voicing the research participants with the aim to aid both scholars and social movements adopt appropriate research designs for the mutual benefit of both theory/action and researchers/researched (even when researchers are already active in the field).


2002 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 531-581 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Bernstein

Critics of identity politics often wax polemically as they charge contemporary social movements with narrowly and naively engaging in essentialist politics based on perceived differences from the majority. Such essentialism, critics charge, inhibits coalition building (e.g., Phelan 1993; Kimmel 1993), cannot produce meaningful social change, and reinforces hegemonic and restrictive social categories (Seidman 1997). It is even responsible for the decline of the Left (Gitlin 1994, 1995). Social movement scholars similarly view “identity movements” as cultural rather than political movements whose goals, strategies, and forms of mobilization can be explained better by a reliance on static notions of identity than by other factors.


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