scholarly journals BANGKIT DARI KETERTINDASAN (Studi atas Pemikiran Kesetaraan Gender Fatayat NU)

2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Arif Nuh Safri

Fatayat NU is one of the Islami cwomen's organizations in Indonesia. This organization has a goal, deletionall forms of violence, injustice and poverty in the community by developinga constructivediscourseof sociallife, democracy and gender justice. Therefore, throught his organizational sobuilds awareness of women's criticalto realizing gender equality and justice. Throughthis article, I will explain howFatayatNUtried tobuild an opinionand fighting forthe rights of womento beable to rise fromoppression

2021 ◽  

Courts can play an important role in addressing issues of inequality, discrimination and gender injustice for women. The feminisation of the judiciary – both in its thin meaning of women's entrance into the profession, as well as its thicker forms of realising gender justice – is a core part of the agenda for gender equality. This volume acknowledges both the diversity of meanings of the feminisation of the judiciary, as well as the complexity of the social and cultural realisation of gender equality. Containing original empirical studies, this book demonstrates the past and present challenges women face to entering the judiciary and progressing their career, as well as when and why they advocate for women's issues while on the bench. From stories of pioneering women to sector-wide institutional studies of the gender composition of the judiciary, this book reflects on the feminisation of the judiciary in the Asia-Pacific.


2010 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARJAANA JAUHOLA

AbstractThis article focuses on gender mainstreaming policies and advocacy on gender equality in the post-tsunami context in Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam. Through the analysis, this article illustrates how gender mainstreaming policy documents and gender advocacy of the provincial and central government, when drawing from sex/gender division and binary of genders, reproduce heteronormative boundaries. By focusing on details, I argue that the image of the heteronormative nuclear family participates in normalising other identity categories; such as urban and middle-class. I also provide examples of how simultaneous to the production of dominant norms, gender advocacy challenges heteronormativity and norms governing heterosexuality and actively question the dominant gender norms. Drawing from postcolonial feminist and recent queer critiques, I argue that advocacy that solely focuses on gender and/or sexuality reduces human bodies and their desires to simplistic stick figures. Thus, it remains blind to other forms of violence, such as global economic and political frameworks that define ‘building back better’ primarily as recovery and rehabilitation of economy, assets and labour force.


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liv Tønnessen

AbstractThe fundamental argument put forward by Islamists, who have ruled Sudan since 1989, for not signing the convention is based on cultural relativism; different cultures provide indigenous and local solutions to their women’s problems. Islam is the solution, not Western feminism. But the Islamists’ failure to ratify CEDAW should not be regarded as a complete rejection of Western feminism, however defined. Through a review of the debate on CEDAW and Islam, this article explores the entanglements of ‘Islamic’ and ‘Western’ normative legal orders. It argues that although Islamist feminists’ discourse deems Western tenets of feminism and gender equality to be unessential to Islamic societies and falsely universalising in its premises, it simultaneously draws upon them in order to demonstrate their ‘alternative’ feminism. By analysing a range of Islamist women’s positions, it becomes apparent that on the one hand they reject CEDAW and gender equality, and on the other promote issues which empower women in the Sudanese state and society. But there are important points of criticism to be made regarding Islamic solutions in a multi-religious and class-divided Sudanese society. Sudanese Islamist women’s claims on behalf of Islamic solutions for Sudanese women can paradoxically be critiqued being as universalising in its premises as so-called Western feminism.


2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aparna Rayaprol ◽  
Sawmya Ray

The Indian Constitution is a woman-friendly document but institutionalised patriarchy in society at large has made it quite difficult to practice gender equality in courts. The women’s movements in India have been battling with the courts for more than three decades on issues related to various forms of violence against women in both public and private spheres. In this article, the focus is on understanding the perceptions of the lawyers who have been fighting cases related to gender justice as well as working towards changing the law itself. Feminist lawyers have been an integral part of the women’s movement in India and have helped achieve the passage of new laws. The study highlights the problems faced by lawyers and their sense of the challenges involved.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 444-465
Author(s):  
Klara Goedecke

This article explores two Swedish TV shows centred on close, emotional friendships between men, Våra vänners liv (2010) [Our friends’ lives] and Boys (2015), as examples of postfeminism with a Swedish twist, inspired by Swedish ideologies of gender equality. Explicitly referring to feminism and gender equality, both shows explore what can be considered progressive masculine positions, drawing on ideas about sincerity, authenticity, emotionality and insight in men as central but not easily attained. I discuss portrayals of men as well as their friendships and explore the meanings of race, class and sexuality in the shows. Unlike many US and UK postfeminist representations of bumbling, ironically sexist anti-heroic men, efforts at reaching sincerity and authenticity characterize the protagonists of the shows. Similar to other postfeminist cultural representations, both shows portray political problems as individual ones or, alternatively, as issues that already have been dealt with. For instance, Boys portrays a posthomophobic and postracial Sweden where racism and homophobia are of the past, and both shows portray personal development in individual men aimed at becoming progressive as solutions to problems regarding gender justice. Both shows explore masculine positions that are available and unavailable, comprehensible and incomprehensible in contemporary Sweden, said to be one of the most gender-equal countries of the world. New masculine positions and intimacies between men, incorporating and referring to feminist or gender equality discourses, may be imagined and made available in shows like Våra vänners liv and Boys. However, such references and their consequences must be critically scrutinized.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-270
Author(s):  
Arini Rufaida

Abstract: Studying the problems of women in various fields, especially marriage, always faces its own challenges. The lack of wife's rights in marriage gets some contradictions from a gender perspective. Did not rule out the possibility of connection with the wife's right to refuse reconciliation. This paper synergizes Islamic and gender perspectives on the issue of wife's right to refuse reconciliation. Efforts are being made to identify the shifts related to the classical fiqh formulation into a more egalitarian formulation according to the guidance of modern times. In addition, the next effort is to identify a new business of reasoning from the abstract domain to concrete rules. There are two steps that can be done, namely by analyzing the problem using the theory of equality and gender justice and the theory of maslahah from the perspective of several competent figures in their fields. From this, this paper confirms the similarity of perception between the aims of Islamic teachings (maqasid ash-shari’ah) and gender equality and human rights, that is the right for anyone to consider everything that will be done as long as it brings benefit.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 512-518
Author(s):  
Mary Daly

Abstract This piece reflects upon the significance of The Logics of Gender Justice. I make the case that this is one of the most significant works on the development of women's rights and gender justice. It offers depth of understanding of the policy and politics precipitating or blocking the roll-out of a range of such rights across time and place. Its geographical scope is both global and local. It offers a framework of analysis and a set of empirical insights that will galvanize scholarship, and not just in the field of gender. I am particularly intrigued by the differentiation between class- and status-based gender policies. I can see promise here—especially from a politics perspective—but to my mind this is not a watertight differentiation between policies. The possibility of an intersectional understanding of gender-related rights and policies is also downplayed by the Htun and Weldon's framework on my reading.


Author(s):  
Olabisi I. Aina ◽  
Kehinde Olayode

With the current global urge and mandates for gender equality, the African continent is re-awakening interest on gender issues and gender mainstreaming in public policy and planning. This paper addresses issues and prospects in embracing Gender Equality and Women Empowerment (GEWE) principles in a democratizing state such as Nigeria. Basic questions raised include – what are the ideals of GEWE? What relevance does the GEWE Agenda have for a democratising state? What different legislations, policies, and programmes are strategic to this process? What roles have been played by Civil Society Organizations in instituting a GEWE agenda in a nation state such as Nigeria? What are the gains of the gender equality agenda for the country’s overall development? What problems still face the process of achieving gender equality and gender justice in Nigeria? These discussions espouse the importance of the GEWE Agenda and the need to engender social development and political transformations in the emerging democratic Nigeria.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Ainol Yaqin

<p class="Iabstrak">Gender justice and gender equality are complex topics and drew the attention of many people. A number of Muslim jurists have studied it from various perspectives in order to understand and find a fair solution to the problem. However, most of them are rare to study it from the lens of <em>maqāṣid al-Qur’ān</em>, the purpose of al-Qur’an was revealed to the earth. Incorporating gender justice and gender equality in <em>maqāṣid al-Qur’ān</em> is considered urgent with the intent that people will really pay attention, watch, and put male and female proportionally. This paper focuses on analyzing Yūsuf al-Qarḍāwī's thought about gender equality and justice as part of <em>maqāṣid al-Qur’ān</em>. This article includes library research, whose datas are sourced from the literature. The results of this study revealed that men and women have equal rights in every aspect of life; education; economics, social, political, and law. They are also given equal rights in participating to be public leaders. Besides that, they have equal rights in selecting their belief (religion) based on their strong desire and their own belief and they have rights to get heritance as well as having rights to the goods they have. On the contrary, any kinds of discriminations, subordination, stereotyping, violence, and all forms of deviation inequality of gender bias, contradict and contrasted with <em>maqāṣid al-Qur’ān</em>.</p>


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