scholarly journals Encounters and Engagement in the Civilizational Analysis of Japan

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-46
Author(s):  
Jeremy C. A. Smith

As a field of significant activity for historical sociologists in recent decades, civilizational analysis has produced extensive and incisive works examining Japan as a historical formation of Eurasia. However, the same cannot be said of Japan’s Pacific relationship with the United States, which is neglected in the major historical sociologies of Japanese modernity. This essay seeks to address that unnecessary oversight by putting that relationship into focus as an international dimension of the institution of both states. It would be tempting to elucidate the entanglement of the two as an encounter of civilizations, but the author instead casts it as intercivilizational engagement, that is a deeper set of connections generated by routine contacts and migratory movements, trade in commerce and culture, and selective appropriation of models of statehood. Delineating the lines of exchange in all four domains of connectivity between Japan and the US, the essay profiles the international and imperial extensions of both states. In altering the perspective on Japan’s relations with the world, the author outlines a larger potential historical sociology of intercivilizational engagement between two Pacific-edge civilizational constellations.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Biba

Abstract As the Sino-American Great Power competition continues to intensify, newly-elected US President Joe Biden's administration now seeks to enlist the support of its allies and partners around the world. As Europe's largest economy and a, if not the, leading voice within the European Union, Germany represents an important puzzle-piece for Biden. But Germany, at least under outgoing chancellor Angela Merkel, has been reluctant to take sides. It is against this backdrop that this article looks into Germany's past and present trilateral relationships with the US and China through the theoretical lens of the so-called strategic triangle approach. Applying this approach, the article seeks to trace and explain German behaviour, as well as to elucidate the opportunities and pitfalls that have come with it. The article demonstrates that Germany's recently gained position as a ‘pivot’ (two positive bilateral relationships) between the US and Chinese ‘wings’ (positive bilateral relations with Germany and negative bilateral relations with each other) is desirable from the perspective of the strategic triangle. At the same time, being pivot is also challenging and hard to maintain. Alternative options, such as entering a US–German ‘marriage’ directed against China, are also problematic. The article therefore concludes that Germany has tough decisions to take going forward.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (04) ◽  
pp. 92-106
Author(s):  
Vitaly KOZYREV

The recent deterioration of US–China and US–Russia relations has stumbled the formation of a better world order in the 21st century. Washington’s concerns of the “great power realignment”, as well as its Manichean battle against China’s and Russia’s “illiberal regimes” have resulted in the activated alliance-building efforts between Beijing and Moscow, prompting the Biden administration to consider some wedging strategies. Despite their coordinated preparation to deter the US power, the Chinese and Russian leaderships seek to avert a conflict with Washington by diplomatic means, and the characteristic of their partnership is still leaving a “window of opportunity” for the United States to lever against the establishment of a formal Sino–Russian alliance.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Israa Daas ◽  

Abstract The Palestine-Israel conflict is probably one of the most pressing problems in the Middle East. Moreover, the United States has been involved in this conflict since the 1970s. Therefore, the present research aims to learn more about the American perception of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It was conducted using a survey that addressed Americans from different backgrounds, focusing on four variables: the American government’s position, solutions, the Israeli settlements, and Jerusalem. The research suggests a correlation between political party and the American perception of the conflict. It appears that Republicans seem to be against the withdrawal of the Israeli settlements, and they believe that the US government is not biased toward Israel. Nevertheless, Democrats tend to believe that the US government is biased in favor of Israel, and they support withdrawing the Israeli settlements. Moreover, there might be another correlation between the American perception and the source of information they use to learn about the conflict. Most of the surveyed Americans, whatever their resource of information that they use to learn about the conflict is, tend to believe that the US is biased in favor of Israel. It is crucial to know about the American perception when approaching to a solution to the conflict as the US is a mediator in this conflict, and a powerful country in the world. Especially because it has a permanent membership in the UN council. KEYWORDS: American Perception, Palestine-Israel Conflict, Jerusalem, Israeli settlements


2018 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 402-419
Author(s):  
Krishnakumar S.

With Donald Trump as President of United States, multilateralism in the world economy is facing an unprecedented challenge. The international economic institutions that have evolved since the fifties are increasingly under the risk of being undermined. With the growing assertion of the emerging and developing economies in the international fora, United States is increasingly sceptical of its ability to maneuvre such institutions to suit its own purpose. This is particularly true with respect to WTO, based on “one country one vote” system. The tariff rate hikes initiated by the leader country in the recent past pose a serious challenge to the multilateral trading system. The paper tries to undertake a critical overview of the US pre-occupation of targeting economies on the basis of the bilateral merchandise trade surpluses of countries, through the trade legislations like Omnibus Act and Trade Facilitation Act. These legislations not only ignore the growing share of the United States in the growing invisibles trade in the world economy, but also read too much into the bilateral trade surpluses of economies with United States and the intervention done by them in the foreign exchange market.


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-156
Author(s):  
Mediel Hove

This article evaluates the emergence of the new Cold War using the Syrian and Ukraine conflicts, among others. Incompatible interests between the United States (US) and Russia, short of open conflict, increased after the collapse of the former Soviet Union. This article argues that the struggle for dominance between the two superpowers, both in speeches and deed, to a greater degree resembles what the world once witnessed before the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1991. It asserts that despite the US’ unfettered power, after the fall of the Soviet Union, it is now being checked by Russia in a Cold War fashion.


Author(s):  
N. Gegelashvili ◽  
◽  
I. Modnikova ◽  

The article analyzes the US policy towards Ukraine dating back from the time before the reunification of Crimea with Russia and up to Donald Trump coming to power. The spectrum of Washington’s interests towards this country being of particular strategic interest to the United States are disclosed. It should be noted that since the disintegration of the Soviet Union Washington’s interest in this country on the whole has not been very much different from its stand on all post-Soviet states whose significance was defined by the U,S depending on their location on the world map as well as on the value of their natural resources. However, after the reunification of Crimea with Russia Washington’s stand on this country underwent significant changes, causing a radical transformation of the U,S attitude in their Ukrainian policy. During the presidency of Barack Obama the American policy towards Ukraine was carried out rather sluggishly being basically declarative in its nature. When President D. Trump took his office Washington’s policy towards Ukraine became increasingly more offensive and was characterized by a rather proactive stance not only because Ukraine became the principal arena of confrontation between the United States and the Russian Federation, but also because it became a part of the US domestic political context. Therefore, an outcome of the “battle” for Ukraine is currently very important for the United States in order to prove to the world its role of the main helmsman in the context of a diminishing US capability of maintaining their global superiority.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 551-580
Author(s):  
Marcos Cordeiro Pires ◽  
Thaís Caroline Lacerda Mattos

Este artigo busca refletir sobre o contexto de uma eventual disputa hegemônica entre Estados Unidos e China. Entretanto, ao invés de traçar um cenário prospectivo, busca-se levantar elementos históricos da formação de ambas as sociedades com vistas a delinear as bases das atuais estratégias internacionais de cada país. Importante característica comum entre ambas é que tanto Estados Unidos e China se veem como excepcionais, resultado de virtudes e de condições históricas específicas que moldaram de cada sociedade. Tal percepção de excepcionalidade está entre os princípios norteadores da inserção externa de Estados Unidos e China, além justificar e solidificar a construção das bases ideológicas que definem a concepção de hegemonia de cada país. Na perspectiva dos Estados Unidos, prevalece a noção de um “Destino Manifesto” – Manifest Destiny, uma visão missionária e religiosa sobre seu papel na ordem mundial. No caso da China, uma civilização milenar autocentrada e pacífica, construída sob o princípio imperial de “Tudo sob o Céu” – Tianxia ??, na qual o imperador chinês exercia o seu mandato celestial por meio da virtude e da benevolência sobre o povo Han e os povos vassalos de todo o mundo. Assim, o objetivo deste artigo é o de analisar a construção da excepcionalidade em ambas as sociedades e relacionar tais características com suas políticas atuais.     ABSTRACT: This article seeks to reflect on the context of a possible hegemonic dispute between the United States and China. However, instead of outlining a prospective scenario, it seeks to raise historical elements of the formation of both societies in order to outline the bases of the current international strategies of each country. An important characteristic that United States and China have in common is that both see themselves as exceptional, as result of their own virtues and the specific historical conditions they have shaped from each society. This perception of exceptionality is among the guiding principles of the US and China's external performance and justifies the ideological foundations that define each country's conception of hegemony. From United States perspective´s the notion of "Manifest Destiny” brings with it a missionary and religious vision about its role in the world. In China's case, a self-centered and peaceful ancient civilization, built under the imperial principle of "All Under Heaven" - Tianxia ??, in which the Chinese Emperor exercised his heavenly mandate through virtue and benevolence over the Han people and the vassal peoples of the whole world. Thus, the objective of this article is to analyze the perception of exceptionality in both societies and to relate such characteristics to their current policies. Keywords: United States. China. Hegemony. Exceptionality. Manifest Destiny. All Under Heaven.     Recebido em: Agosto/2018. Aprovado em: Novembro/2018.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1981 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-473
Author(s):  
David B. Nelson ◽  
Renate D. Kimbrough ◽  
Philip S. Landrigan ◽  
A. Wallace Hayes ◽  
George C. Yang ◽  
...  

Dr Wray's comments are, of course, very appropriate and encouraging. Aflatoxin was first detected in food commodities from other parts of the world. As concentrations in other parts of the world have usually been higher, little attention has been paid to the possibility of aflatoxin exposure in humans in the United States except by those who are directly involved in monitoring the human food supply (US Department of Agriculture, the food industry, and the US Food and Drug Administration).


Author(s):  
Malyshev ◽  
Kushchevska ◽  
Bruskova

The purpose of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the global nanopowder market. Materials and methods. The study used such research methods as system-logical method, method of statistical generalization, comparative and factor analysis. Research results. It is known that nanopowders are obtained by chemical, physical, physico-chemical and mechanical methods. One of the major problems in the production of nanopowders is the tendency of nanoparticles to form aggregates and agglomerates that complicate the production of compact materials. To overcome the forces of agglomeration, a mechanical force or an increase in the sintering temperature must be applied. According to estimates from the consulting company Lux Research, in 2012, the nanotechnology market was $ 190.3 billion. Its annual growth is 15-17%. The world market leaders are the United States ($ 59 billion), Europe ($ 47 billion) and the Asia Pacific region ($ 9.4 billion). The US is the leader in both the commercial market and the number of publications (about 25,000 in 2015) and patents in nanotechnology (45% of patents). Following the results of 2015, more than $1.4 trillion worth of nanotechnology products were manufactured. In the structure of production of nanoproducts the chemical industry, scientific researches (intermediary products, as a rule, not serial) and electronics are leading. Global investments in nanotechnology in 2015 totaled $ 18.1 billion. This indicator increased by 18% compared to 2013. Corporate investments ($ 8.6 billion) became the main source of financing (public - only $ 8.3 billion). The leaders in terms of public investment are the US and the EU. Experts estimate that, by 2020, investment leadership may shift to Japan. Today, the leader in the nanomaterials market is the United States with a projected revenue level of 2018 of $ 1.46 billion. The main products on the world market for nanopowders are metal oxide powders. In the product group of metal oxides 4/5 the production volume accounts for the three most common types of raw materials: silica (SiO2), titanium dioxide (TiO2) and alumina (Al2O3). At the same time, silica occupies more than half of all production, alumina - 18% and titanium dioxide - 10%. The most available oxides are oxides of iron, zinc, cerium, zirconium, cuprum, magnesium, yttrium. The most complex oxides and mixtures are: tin oxide, barium titanate, cobalt carbide, silicon nitride and indium tin oxide. An analysis of the patents presented for nanopowder research has shown that the most promising area of ​​scientific development is aluminum and precious metal nanopowders. Conclusions. Analysis of the world nanopowder market makes it possible to identify the following indicators that characterize its development: the common problem in the nanomaterials market is high cost of production, low volume of production and accessibility for the end consumer; the most developed nanopowder markets: USA, Europe and Asia-Pacific; projected growth rates during 2015-2020 The three largest components of the nanomaterials market: energy, production of catalysts, structural materials - 60%, 13% and 30% respectively; production of metal oxide products prevails in the world market of nanopowders; the most common types of raw materials: silica) - more than half of all production, titanium dioxide - 10% and alumina - 18%.


Author(s):  
Andrew Glazzard

‘You will be amused to hear that I am at work upon a Sherlock Holmes story. So the old dog returns to his vomit.’1 Arthur Conan Doyle to Herbert Greenhough Smith Sherlock Holmes, who died in Switzerland in May 1891, returned to the world on 23 October 1899. The location for his rebirth was, somewhat surprisingly, the Star Theatre in Buffalo, New York. Early the following month, Holmes moved to New York where he could be found in Manhattan’s Garrick Theatre on 236 separate occasions, before making his way across the United States. In September 1901, Holmes went back to Great Britain, arriving (like so many travellers from the US) at Liverpool, before reaching London on 9 September 1901. He was so much in demand that on 1 February 1902 he received an audience with King Edward VII and Queen Alexandra. In 1902 he was again in New York, was seen travelling across northern England in 1903, and for the next thirty years popped up repeatedly in various American towns and cities....


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