scholarly journals Trybunał Konstytucyjny jako organ stojący na straży konstytucyjności. Uwagi na tle analizy orzecznictwa z 2017 r.

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 302-327
Author(s):  
Sławomir Tkacz

The Constitutional Tribunal`s task is to examine the constitutionality of legal acts. The dispute over the Tribunal in Poland in 2016–2017 raises the question whether it still performs this function. The author addresses this issue in the light of the analysis of judgments issued by the Constitutional Tribunal in 2017. In conclusion, the Author indicates that due to the nature of the activities, the constitutional court will always be included in the political discourse in some extent. The answer to the question whether the Polish Constitutional Tribunal constitutes a barrier for the legislator’s actions depends in a large extent on the legislator himself. The latest defines the normative conditions of his activity as well as decides on the selection of the Tribunal`s judges. The study closes the remarks regarding the constitutional judiciary model in Poland in the future.

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-126
Author(s):  
Bartosz Wysocki

Legal confusion which caused political turmoil surrounding the selection of judges of the Constitutional Court continues in Poland for almost a year. Unfortunately, we still do not see the finals of the dispute. In an attempt to solve it involved not only professional groups, and citizens. Very hard in an attempt to resolve the conflict have joined international organizations. Especially those for whom democratic values ​​are the foundation of the modern state. In his work focuses on the analysis of the Opinion of the Venice Commission, which concerns the Act of 22 December amending the Constitutional Tribunal Act 2015. From the point of view zaistniałego conflict, it is very important hug. Expert sheds light on the issue which is a political attempt sprzeciwieniu to democratic rule. It is the opinion of so much importance that expressed by a group of experts. The institution, which enjoys the opinions presented an extraordinary recognition and respect, and her opinions in democratic circles are treated very seriously. Often the institutions of the European Union treat the opinions of the Commission as the result to formulate its own position. Therefore, for Polish it is important because from her perspective will assess our democratic Europe. This is how Poland will respect the recommendations of the Commission, as will be seen in Europe.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (7) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rimma R. Galiakberova ◽  
Dilyara B. Garifullina ◽  
Lyutsiya G. Khismatullina

An inaugural address is part of the political reality of the country, and represents an essential moment in delivering political visions for the future by presidents. The given paper deals with the inauguration speeches of Vladimir Putin (2018) and Donald Trump (2017) and is aimed at analyzing the role of verbal means in forming the speech portraits of An inaugural address is part of the political reality of the country, and represents an essential moment in delivering political visions for the future by presidents. The given paper deals with the inauguration speeches of Vladimir Putin (2018) and Donald Trump (2017) and is aimed at analyzing the role of verbal means in forming the speech portraits of political leaders. By means of comparative content analysis we looked for grammatical, lexical and stylistic elements peculiar to a specific linguistic persona while comparing the speeches of the presidents as well as we attempted to determine the specific national backgrounds of political discourse. We found out that the speech portrait of a country leader is strongly related to his national identity, mentality and socio-political course of the country. Thus, each president’s inauguration context model is mostly characterized by a different set of linguistic means. The paper findings may be useful for researchers who deal with interdisciplinary studies, political and cognitive linguistics, political discourse and communication analysis.


Author(s):  
Fabrizio Fracchia

- The article deals with the main patterns established by the Italian legal system with respect to the decisions regarding environmental issues. After outlining the most important theories related to the problem of the juridical definition of the environment, as well as the constitutional context, which assigns the environmental protection to the competence of the State, the analysis singles out five different models. The first one is the result of the application of the environmental principles established by the European sources and enforced by the Italian Law; in this regard, in particular, the precautionary principle interferes with the usual way through which the Public Entities take their final decisions. The second pattern embodies the idea according to which the environment is a prominent value, capable of prevailing over other values and interests. The third one, starting from the same assertion (the environmental interest must "win"), adds that it must only be assessed by technical bodies with a specific competence. The fourth model is based upon the premise that the environmental proceedings cannot be simplified, so that some legal tools such as "conferenza di servizi", silence and so on, cannot be applied in this field. The last pattern considers the possibility for Bodies different from the State (such as the Regions) to regulate the environmental issues, thus introducing stricter levels of protection of the environment. The article underlines that the size of this competence strictly depends on the notion of "protection of the environment" that is used (in any case, the Constitutional Court, since the fundamental decision n. 407 of 26th July 2002, considering the environment as a sort of transversal matter, has ruled that important room for regional legislative power does exist). Very often there is a sort of subsidiarity, since in the first place the technical bodies have the competence to take care of the environmental interest, while the bureaucracy or the politicians can intervene only afterwards and in case of inertia or conflict. The main thesis suggested by the article is that the most appropriate body entitled to take the final decision in the environmental field should be the political one. Emphasizing the principle of integration, the article assumes that the environment is an interest that must be taken into account by the decision makers, but adds that it must be balanced with other interests, in a perspective of relativism: it is a specific task of the political system to guarantee a final synthesis among different values. The article also underlines the relevance of the sustainable development principle, aimed at guaranteeing that the satisfaction of the current generation doesn't affect the quality of life and the chances of the future generations. The sustainable development is the true root of the whole environmental law buildings and basis of the other environmental principles, within the Italian context (Legislative Decree n. 152/2006). It seems to have left behind the limits, disciplinary also, of the environmental law, being now a general principle of the administrative activity tout court. It shows that the environmental decisions might usually affect the interests of the future generation, hence confirming that those choices must be made by the politicians, since they represent the whole community.Key words: Environment, decision patterns, sustainable development.JEL classifications: K32


Author(s):  
Felicia Roșu

Chapter 2 focuses on electoral campaigning and underlines the interplay of idealism and pragmatism in the selection of a candidate. It starts by introducing the most important candidates competing in the first elections, then it discusses the most important factors influencing the voters’ decisions. The dominant factors in Poland-Lithuania were: the native–foreigner debate; the prestige of the Jagiellons; the power of the future king; geopolitical considerations such as fear of the ‘Turk’ or mistrust of the Habsburgs; religion; and manliness. In Transylvania, preferences revolved around the choice between Habsburg and Ottoman suzerainty. Similarly to Poland-Lithuania, the higher echelons of the political class favoured the Habsburg option and a limitation of electoral rights, but pressures from below made those inclinations impractical. The chapter then reviews campaigning strategies: rhetoric and propaganda; promises of military alliances and financial help; deception and white lies; and material incentives such as favours, offices, and bribes.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 377-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lydia B. Tiede

Many judicial scholars argue that judicial dissent stems from partisanship or political differences among judges on courts. These arguments are evaluated using the variation in political backgrounds on a constitutional court, Chile’s Constitutional Tribunal, using case-level and vote-level data from 1990 until 2010. The analysis shows that the rate of dissent rises after major reforms to the powers and judicial selection mechanism of the Tribunal in 2005 and that the dissent rate corresponds to periods of greater partisanship on the court. Further, decisions regarding the unconstitutionality of laws intensify the propensity to dissent at both the case and judge level. In further examination of variation across judges’ voting records, judges who have identifiable partisan associations of any kind are generally more likely to dissent than those with limited political backgrounds.


2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 193-228
Author(s):  
Roman Privalov

USSR-2061 is a Russian futuristic online project that imagines a new USSR a century after Gagarin’s journey into space. This article connects the project to Soviet space utopianism and the nostalgia that followed it, while seeing USSR-2061 and its artefacts in the light of utopian studies. In particular, the project’s hesitation with regard to utopianism and its thirst for realism are situated within a classical utopian problem of how to achieve real, not only imaginary, transformations. Such realism generally coincides with Levitas’ (2013) framework of utopia as a method, and, as the analysis shows, it hinders the construction of “an image of a future” at which the project aims. Instead, the resulting narratives and visions commonly overlap with the official Russian political discourse that makes use of Soviet nostalgia, or fall into retrofuturistic replications of commonly satirized Soviet discourses. However, a different way of constructing utopia is also present in USSR-2061, even if it is never highlighted. To make utopia possible in anti-utopian times, one might need to rethink its place of possibility or topos. Theoretically, such an alternative is presented in connection to Latour’s (2017) Terrestrial, a place with agency that in utopian terms presupposes a transgression of the boundary between the real and imaginary, the political and cultural. In the same line, the paper argues that USSR-2061 might attempt the construction of a new utopia through rethinking space. This might be fostered through the inclusion of cosmist ideas such as those of Vladimir Vernadsky and Alexander Chizhevsky, whose intersections with Latourian framework have previously been observed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 99-106
Author(s):  
A.A. Muradyan

This article touches upon some of the main singularities of the political discourse in its connection with classical and modern literature. A brief overview of the main terms used in the article is provided. The analysis of quotes and literary works used in political speeches is carried out to identify the most significant factors in the selection of certain intertextual elements depending on the communication.


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