scholarly journals Parytety i kwoty wyborcze a Konstytucja RP

2018 ◽  
pp. 67-78
Author(s):  
Krzysztof URBANIAK

The issue of intensifying female participation in public life, and particularly in political life, has recently been the subject of lively discussions, in particular in the social sciences. The number of female candidates on the election ballots for representative organs is clearly insufficient in comparison to the size of the female electorate, as well as the abilities, skills and intellectual potential women occupy. This problem has also been widely discussed in Poland. As a result of these quite heated disputes and discussions, accompanied by an interesting exchange of views on the doctrine of electoral law, an instrument to increase female representation on election ballots (a quota system) was introduced into the Polish electoral system. The subject of this paper, however, is not the issue of the grounds or justification for the legal instruments applied, or an assessment of the activities of the state authorities or the institutions of public life in this respect. Rather, the paper analyzes the legal solutions introduced in Poland in order to increase the political participation of women from the point of view of their conformity with the regulations of the Constitution of the Polish Republic. For this purpose, the author refers both to the doctrine of constitutional law and the adjudications of the Constitutional Tribunal. This analysis leads to the conclusion that the ‘compensatory privilege’, introduced in law, is highly questionable in terms of its conformity with the Polish Constitution. In this light an amendment to the Constitution would be recommended, providing a constitu- tional status to the provisions on equality.

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Andrea S. Aldrich ◽  
William T. Daniel

Abstract This article explores the consequences of quotas on the level of diversity observed in legislators’ professional and political experience. We examine how party system and electoral system features that are meant to favor female representation, such as gender quotas for candidate selection or placement mandates on electoral lists, affect the composition of legislatures by altering the mix of professional and political qualifications held by its members. Using data collected for all legislators initially seated to the current session of the European Parliament, one of the largest and most diverse democratically elected legislatures in the world, we find that quotas eliminate gendered differences in experience within the institution, particularly when used in conjunction with placement mandates that ensure female candidates are featured on electoral lists in viable positions. Electoral institutions can generally help to “level the playing field” between the backgrounds of men and women in elected office while increasing the presence of desirable qualities among European Parliament representatives of both genders.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2(163) ◽  
pp. 153-179
Author(s):  
Andrzej Stec ◽  
Grzegorz Szwałek

The issue of electoral law in elections to the Senate of the Republic of Poland arouses great interest among lawyers, political scientists and representatives of exact sciences (especially mathematicians). Both the fundamental principles of electoral law and the principles guiding the basic elements of the electoral system were included in the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. These provisions are not numerous, although crucial for the construction of the electoral system. The wrong tendency and practice of making changes to the electoral law just before the election prompted the legislator to introduce single-mandate constituencies. The adoption of the Electoral Code was also aimed at avoiding the manipulation of changes in constituencies under the influence of poll results, and highlighted the problem of implementing the constitutional provisions in this matter. Unfortunately, the literature on the subject often underestimates the weight of the vote and the estimation of voting power, which translates into the construction of a fair electoral system. The authors tried to present in the article changes in the electoral system against the background of domestic and foreign experience, using methods characteristic of the humanities and sciences.


1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 441-463 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Exdell

In recent years feminist philosophers have criticized mainstream liberal theory for ignoring issues of justice within the gender structured family and for failing to see how male privilege in this sphere works to deny women equality in economic and political life. Some argue that the source of this failure is liberalism's commitment to the distinction between domestic and public life, and the idea that the family is inherently a private institution to which standards of justice do not apply. In Political Liberalism Rawls briefly acknowledges these concerns, andreassures his readers that within his theoretical framework 'the alleged difficulties in discussing problems of gender and the family can be overcome. To satisfy these critics Rawls would have to respond to Susan Okin's Justice, Gender, and the Family, which carefully examines both the shortcomings and feminist potential of his earlier writings. In Political Liberalism he does not. After his passing remark in the book's introduction, Rawls has nothing more to say on the subject. He assumes 'that in some form the family is just,' and focuses on the traditional issues of liberal political theory in the hope that this approach will 'at least provide guidelines for addressing further questions' (ibid.).


Author(s):  
Alexander A. Kokhanovski ◽  
◽  

The purpose of this article is to analyse the content of the projects substantiating the autonomy of the Urals and the composition of its territories reviewed by the Provisional Regional Government of the Urals (PRGU) in 1918. The presence of theses regarding the formation of a special Ural identity in them gives the study relevance not only due to an extremely fragmented coverage of these projects in the previous historiography but also in terms of filling the gaps in the history of the formation of the special regional social and political thought of the Urals in the context of the PRGU’s coalition activity. Also, it is interesting to consider the projects from the point of view of the continuity of territorial planning practices by Soviet and post-Soviet Russia. To analyse the content and compare projects with each other to identify similarities, differences, and traces of manifestation of regional ideas, the author considers six notes submitted to PRGU by its main departments and the final report. Also, the article refers to individual views of L. A. Krol who initiated the establishment of PRGU, reconstructed according to his memoirs and minutes of the meetings of the PRGU Commission on Borders. It transpires that not all projects contained a reflection on the subject of a special regional identity, which is the essence of regionalism since the reason for the discussions was the pragmatic need to determine the electoral system for the regional parliament. A separate and unique project by Krol, which instrumentally justified the borders of the Urals, taking into account the current, but not the future political situation, cannot be considered regional. The discussion itself where Krol’s proposals were ignored characterises the PRGU as a unique coalition body for 1917–1918 based on the principles of party dialogue.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiago Tendai Chingore

This article aims to analyze the issue of democracy the delegated cooperative democracy as an alternative to the crisis of contemporary democratic policies. At first, the theoretical premises that guide the theoretical framework that underlies the liquid-cooperative democratic model are exposed: starting from the philosophical reflections of John Dewey and Axel Honneth. In a second point of view, from procedural deliberative democracy to liquid-cooperative democracy: How can we redirect power to citizens in the context of today's democracies? In the third point we present the idea that lies behind the "spirit" of net-cooperative democracy as a credible alternative to democracies in the 21st Century. We consider this credible democratic model that can "rally" power to citizens. Methodologically, the work is based on deconstruction and reconstruction, accompanied by the reading, analysis and interpretation of texts that deal with the subject under study. It is concluded that the time has come to institute a democratic policy that can 'redouble' power in the hands of citizens in order to participate equally in public life, thereby minimizing the great social, political and economic inequalities prevailing in the various States considered democratic in the world and in Mozambique in particular.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 119-140
Author(s):  
Dorota Lis-Staranowicz ◽  
Róbert Jáger

Abstract The objective of our paper is to analyse the political activity of Polish, and Slovak, women in EP elections; we aim to determine, among other things: whether gender quotas are a decisive factor for women’s electoral success, or do other factors result in an increase/decrease in the number of female candidates and the number of women MEPs? What are the particular characteristics of women representing Poland, and Slovakia, in the EP? What was their path to the EP? Which (conservative, liberal) parties are more willing to put women forward in EP elections? Poland introduced the so-called gender quotas into the electoral system, while Slovakia does not have such legal solutions in place. However, when comparing Slovakia to the situation in Poland, it can be stated that although there is a system of election quotas in Poland, its practical implementation may be purely theoretical. In percentage terms, the number of Slovak women elected to the European Parliament (except 2019) was significantly higher than in Poland, even though there is no quota system in the Slovak Republic. The success of Polish, and Slovak, women in the elections to the EP of the 9th term is the result of many factors, which include so-called electoral engineering (quotas, gender balance, first and second places on lists), electoral strategy of a party, but above all, political and social activity of the women themselves. We consider the last factor to be determinant in this respect.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 266-281
Author(s):  
Beata Słobodzian

Abstract Poland as a young democracy is supported by extensive experience of mature democratic systems. Poland is still seeking reasonable and effective solutions regarding its electoral system. The right for electing the representatives of authority bodies is one of the fundamentals of democracy. This right entitles citizens for active public participation through expressing their support (votes) for candidates, which will respectively represent their voters in certain institutions. Polish electoral law, which regulates the local self-government elections is very controversial. The existing legal rules have been changed many times since 2011. Among the subjects being discussed are electoral campaigns, and candidate registration rules and organization of elections. Frequent changes in the electoral law result in misunderstandings and an unwillingness to participate in elections. Their effect is low voter turnout and a large number of invalid votes. Regardless of the above, it is worth to consider, why the Electoral Code was prepared so chaotically and without any further discussion? Why before the forthcoming elections to the European Parliament and municipalities planned for 2014 it was not possible to be assured about the electoral regulations, which were the subject of numerous changes?


1976 ◽  
Vol 15 (05) ◽  
pp. 246-247
Author(s):  
S. C. Jain ◽  
G. C. Bhola ◽  
A. Nagaratnam ◽  
M. M. Gupta

SummaryIn the Marinelli chair, a geometry widely used in whole body counting, the lower part of the leg is seen quite inefficiently by the detector. The present paper describes an attempt to modify the standard chair geometry to minimise this limitation. The subject sits crossed-legged in the “Buddha Posture” in the standard chair. Studies with humanoid phantoms and a volunteer sitting in the Buddha posture show that this modification brings marked improvement over the Marinelli chair both from the point of view of sensitivity and uniformity of spatial response.


1970 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-291
Author(s):  
Wahyu Budiantoro

Da’wah in practical terms, always in touch with the community. Therefore requires a specific set of supporters in achieving its objectives, namely the setting or the good management and direction. In missionary activity there will be a very complex problem, if no good management, systematic, and purposeful. Implementation of propaganda will work effectively and efficiently when it first be able to identify the problems faced by the community. Then, on the basis of control of the situation and conditions for propaganda, formulate an appropriate plan. The dynamics of the problem requires people with a variety of actors preaching able to devise a proper plan-as the basis of a movement dakwah-, and arrange and organize the subject of preaching in a certain propaganda units. To realize and ground the teachings of Islam in public life, the propaganda must be properly managed, to meet the needs of society. Dakwah dalam tataran praktis, selalu berhubungan dengan masyarakat. Oleh karenanya membutuhkan seperangkap pendukung dalam mencapai tujuan, yaitu pengaturan atau manajemen yang baik dan terarah. Dalam aktivitas dakwah akan timbul masalah yang sangat kompleks, apabila tidak dilakukan manajemen yang baik, sistematis, dan terarah. Penyelenggaraan dakwah akan berjalan dengan efektif dan efisien apabila terlebih dahulu dapat mengidentifikasi masalah-masalah yang tengah dihadapi oleh masyarakat. Kemudian, atas dasar pengendalian situasi dan kondisi tempat untuk dakwah, disusunlah suatu rencana yang tepat. Dinamika masyarakat dengan berbagai problemnya mengharuskan para pelaku dakwah mampu menyusun rencana yang tepat –sebagai dasar dari sebuah gerakan dakwah, dan mengatur dan mengorganisir subjek dakwah ke dalam kesatuankesatuan dakwah tertentu. Untuk mewujukan dan membumikan ajaran-ajaran Islam dalam kehidupan masyarakat, maka dakwah harus dikelola dengan baik, untuk memenuhi kebutuhan masyarakat.


2003 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-172
Author(s):  
Mir Annice Mahmood

To implement any successful policy, research about the subject-matter is essential. Lack of knowledge would result in failure and, from an economic point of view, it would lead to a waste of scarce resources. The book under review is essentially a manual which highlights the use of research for development. The book is divided into two parts. Part One informs the reader about concepts and some theory, and Part Two deals with the issue of undertaking research for development. Both parts have 11 chapters each. Chapter 1 asks the basic question: Is research important in development work? The answer is that it is. Research has many dimensions: from the basic asking of questions to the more sophisticated broad-based analysis of policy issues. The chapter, in short, stresses the usefulness of research which development workers ignore at their own peril.


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