scholarly journals Kriegsliteratur aus der DDR und die Zensur in der Volksrepublik Polen in den ersten Nachkriegsjahren

2017 ◽  
pp. 253-262
Author(s):  
Marek Rajch
Keyword(s):  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
German Literature ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Eastern Bloc ◽  
Substantial Part ◽  
Important Criterion ◽  
World War ◽  
Nineteen Fifties ◽  
Publishing Houses ◽  
Second World

From all of the German literature distributed in Poland during the first half of the nineteen fifties, that of the GDR was the most strongly represented, because like the People's Republic, it was part of the Eastern Bloc. A substantial part of this literature touched upon the themes of the Second World War. As some prominent Eastern German authors had taken part in the Spanish Civil War in 1936-1939, this subject also couldn't be ignored.The introduction in 1949 of socialist realism as the most important criterion of art, and particulary strong political pressure, led to a great deal of confusion and insecurity, not only for Polish publishing houses, but also among the censors, whose task was to take decisions about what literature could be printed. Censors’ opinions in this period often differed, not only in terms of detailed matter, but also in the final decisions about the eventual fate of the title submitted for evaluation.

scholarly journals „Schilf wächst darüber, Schilf wächst immer darüber“ Heimatliche Donaulandschaften in den deutschsprachigen Literaturen Südosteuropas nach 1945

2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-91
Author(s):  
Olivia Spiridon
Keyword(s):  
German Literature ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Eastern Bloc ◽  
Southeastern Europe ◽  
World War ◽  
The West ◽  
Frame Work ◽  
Contemporary Perspective ◽  
Detention Camps ◽  
Second World

Abstract Danubeland scapes have been a recurrent topic in the German-language literature of Southeastern Europe, especially in German literature from Romania, which was the only one to survive the end of the Second World War in the Eastern Bloc. They developed different forms on both-sides of the Iron Curtain. In the West, the Danubeservedas a frame work for the consolidation of a common identity of many disparate groups of former German minorities from Southeastern Europe under the collective name “Danube Swabians”. Additionally, writers from Romania who emigrated to the West recalled in their works bothwonderful and frightening images of the lower Danube. In Romania, Danube landscapes are to be seen as attempts to negotiate the concept of homeland from a contemporary perspective after its appropriation by the patriotic literature of the court literati. They emergedas a stage for projecting new sensitivities: the suffering of isolation, economic misery and environmental pollution. Subversively narrated landscapes also set hidden signs of the memory of the isolated detention camps on the periphery of the country. The transformation of Danube landscapes is analysed by using literary examples after 1945.

Spanish Fascist Women’s Transnational Relations during the Second World War: Between Ideology and Realpolitik

2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 834-857
Author(s):  
Toni Morant i Ariño
Keyword(s):  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Second World War ◽  
New Order ◽  
World War ◽  
Transnational Relations ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Franco Dictatorship ◽  
Second World ◽  
Practical Level

Spanish fascist women played a very active role in the Falange’s cross-border relations with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War. From the very beginning, fascist women took a preeminent place in these contacts and exchanges in order to see with their own eyes how both fascist models were at a practical level. These relationships between fascist women’s organizations were born out of deep ideological affinity and were especially fluid, firstly on a bilateral level and after 1940 on the ‘New Order’ Europe-wide multilateral, transnational collaboration. However, they lacked neither of political calculation nor could abstract from the wider frame of international politics in such an eminently war period. As this article will show, Falangist women used these fluid but less studied relationships to consolidate their own political position at home and explore other ways of political participation in a Nazi-Fascist New Europe, while at the same time trying to secure there a pre-eminent place for non-belligerent Spain. In the end, concerns about the own survival of the Franco dictatorship as the fate of war clearly changed in 1943, let ideological affinity succumb to the diplomatic conveniences they had once meant to overcome.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
James A. Baer
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Life Stories ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Francisco Franco ◽  
Mikhail Bakunin ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Second World

This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to show how the ebb and flow of Spanish anarchist migrations to Argentina helps explain the development of both a transnational anarchist ideology and related organizations that connect these two countries. It follows the lives, careers, ideas, influence, and travel of dozens of individuals who moved between these two countries in the decades around the turn of the twentieth century. The life stories of individual immigrants allow us to explore their movements and understand how supranational links influenced the growth of the anarchist movements in Spain and Argentina. This study encompasses the period between 1868, when the ideas of Russian anarchist Mikhail Bakunin first became known in Spain, and the end of the Spanish Civil War, after which the regime of Generalíssimo Francisco Franco and the Second World War effectively ended the relationship between these two countries' anarchist movements. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.

scholarly journals A Spanish Genocide? Reflections on the Francoist Repression after the Spanish Civil War

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
JULIUS RUIZ
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Franco Regime ◽  
Military Justice ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Relative Decline ◽  
Post War ◽  
Second World

This article considers whether the Franco regime pursued a genocidal policy against Republicans after the formal ending of hostilities on 1 April 1939. In post-war Spain, the primary mechanism for punishing Republicans was military tribunals. Francoist military justice was based on the assumption that responsibility for the civil war lay with the Republic: defendants were tried for the crime of ‘military rebellion’. This was, as Ramón Serrano Suñer admitted his memoirs, ‘turning justice on its head’. But although it was extremely harsh, post-war military justice was never exterminatory. The article stresses that the institutionalisation of military justice from 1937, following the arbitrary murders of 1936, contributed to a relative decline in executions. Although the regime's determination to punish Republicans for ‘military rebellion’ inevitably led to the initiation of tens of thousands of post-war military investigations, only a minority of cases ended in execution. This was especially the case from January 1940, when the higher military authorities ended the autonomy of military tribunals over sentencing. This reassertion of central control in January 1940 was part of a wider policy to ease the self-inflicted problem of prison overcrowding; successive parole decrees led to a substantial and permanent decrease in the number of inmates by 1945. Allied victory in the Second World War did not mark the beginning but the end of the process of bringing to a close mass military justice.

scholarly journals Knocking on America's door. Basque Foreign Politics in the US during the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War (1936-1945)

2020 ◽  
pp. 983-1010
Author(s):  
David Mota Zurdo
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Federal Bureau ◽  
World War ◽  
Federal Bureau Of Investigation ◽  
The Us ◽  
Foreign Politics ◽  
Office Of Strategic Services ◽  
Second World

Este artículo analiza la denominada estrategia atlantista y cómo fue puesta en práctica por el Gobierno Vasco en el exilio a través de dos grandes etapas: por un lado, las actividades de la delegación del Gobierno Vasco en Nueva York durante la Guerra Civil española, atendiendo a su origen, composición, actuación y relación con instituciones norteamericanas como la National Catholic Welfare Conference (NCWC), el Departamento de Estado y sus diferentes agencias. Y, por otro, se estudian las labores de lobbying vascas durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Un periodo clave, pues, como se verá en las siguientes páginas, durante aquellos años se produjo una colaboración efectiva entre las instituciones vascas y las agencias estadounidenses de la Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (CIAA), la Office of Coordinator of Information (COI), la Office of Strategic Services (OSS) y el Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI).

The Spanish Civil War and the Yugoslav Successor States

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-281
Author(s):  
Vjeran Pavlaković
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Soviet Bloc ◽  
World War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Resistance Movement ◽  
Second World

Yugoslav scholarship about the Spanish Civil War, specifically the Yugoslav volunteers who fought in the International Brigades, was almost exclusively tied to the partisan struggle during the Second World War and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Many countries in the Soviet bloc published books about their heroes who fought fascism before Western Europe reacted and raised monuments to Spanish Civil War veterans. However, many lost their lives during Stalinist purges of the late 1940s and early 1950s since they were potentially compromised cadres who returned to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and other countries only after the Red Army's occupation. Yugoslav volunteers, however, generally had a more prominent status in the country (and historiography) since the Yugoslav resistance movement liberated the country with only minimal support from the Soviet Union.

scholarly journals Su segunda posguerra : los refugiados republicanos en el sur de Francia, 1945-1947

1998 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Cervera Gil
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Second World ◽  
Great Portion ◽  
The Way

Cuando terminó la Guerra Civil Española (1936-1939) los derrotados republicanos tuvieron que tomar el camino del exilio y una gran parte de ellos fijaron su residencia en Francia. El estallido de la Segunda Guerra Mundial fue entendido por la mayoría de estos exiliados españoles como la continuación de la lucha que hasta meses antes habían desarrollado en España. Por ello, muchos antifranquistas se implicaron en la resistencia contra los nazis creyendo que su victoria sobre ellos sería continuada inevitablemente por el fin del Régimen de Franco, aliado del Eje y por tanto enemigo de los Aliados.When finished the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), the defeated republicans had to take the way of the exile and a great portion of them took their residence in trance. The out break of the Second World War was understand by the most of these spanish exiled as the fight continuation that unta months before had developed in Spain. For it, many antifranquists helped in the resistance versis the nazis thinking that their victory over them would be continued for the end of Franco's Regime axis allied, and so allied enemy.

Trajectories of Transnational Antifascist Volunteers from the Spanish Civil War to the Second World War

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-345
Author(s):  
Nir Arielli ◽  
Enrico Acciai
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Organizations ◽  
The Past ◽  
Second World

This is an introduction to a special issue on the role played by veterans of the Spanish Civil War’s International Brigades during the Second World War. It argues that the study of these veterans is worthwhile for three reasons: the extraordinary mobility that the antifascist struggle of the years 1936–45 enabled; the microcosm it provides for the assessment of what happens when ideologically fuelled concerns meet pragmatic wartime needs; and the relevance of how governments and military organizations have dealt with suspect returnees in the past for present-day dilemmas that several governments face.

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