Introduction. Res Publica in the Imperial State

2014 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Keyword(s):  
Imperial State ◽  
Res Publica

Colonialism and the Highland Clearances

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iain Mackinnon
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Development ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
Indigenous Research ◽  
Internal Colonialism ◽  
New Approach ◽  
A Site ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Imperial State ◽  
Late Modern

This article employs a new approach to studying internal colonialism in northern Scotland during the 18th and 19th centuries. A common approach to examining internal colonial situations within modern state territories is to compare characteristics of the internal colonial situation with attested attributes of external colonial relations. Although this article does not reject the comparative approach, it seeks to avoid criticisms that this approach can be misleading by demonstrating that promoters and managers of projects involving land use change, territorial dispossession and industrial development in the late modern Gàidhealtachd consistently conceived of their work as projects of colonization. It further argues that the new social, cultural and political structures these projects imposed on the area's indigenous population correspond to those found in other colonial situations, and that racist and racialist attitudes towards Gaels of the time are typical of those in colonial situations during the period. The article concludes that the late modern Gàidhealtachd has been a site of internal colonization where the relationship of domination between colonizer and colonized is complex, longstanding and occurring within the imperial state. In doing so it demonstrates that the history and present of the Gaels of Scotland belongs within the ambit of an emerging indigenous research paradigm.

Res Publica

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Günter Zöller
Keyword(s):  
Res Publica

scholarly journals Francis Bacon on Imperial and Colonial Warfare

2021 ◽  
Vol 83 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-218
Author(s):  
Samuel Garrett Zeitlin
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Francis Bacon ◽  
Historical Reconstruction ◽  
State Expansion ◽  
Imperial Expansion ◽  
Colonial Warfare ◽  
Ius Gentium ◽  
Surplus Population ◽  
Imperial State ◽  
Internal Order

AbstractThis article offers a textual and historical reconstruction of Francis Bacon's thought on imperial and colonial warfare. Bacon holds that conquest, acquisition of peoples and territory through force, followed by subjugation, confers a legal right and title. Imperial expansion is justified both by arguments concerning the interstate balance of power and by arguments related to internal order and stability. On Bacon's view, a successful state must be expansionist, for two key reasons: first, as long as its rivals are expansionist, a state must keep up and even try to outpace them, and, second, a surplus population will foment civil war unless this “surcharge of people” is farmed out to colonies. These arguments for imperial state expansion are held to justify both internal and external colonization and empire. Paradoxically, Bacon holds that the internally colonized may be treated with greater severity, as suppressed rebels, than the externally colonized, who are more fitly a subject of the ius gentium. Bacon holds that toleration offers both an imperial stratagem and a comparative justification for why English and British imperial expansion is more desirable than Spanish imperial expansion. The article concludes with reflections about how one might understand the place of imperial and colonial projects in Bacon's thought, contending that these projects are central to an understanding of Bacon's political aims and thought more broadly.

Triumvirate and Principate

1973 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 50-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fergus Millar
Keyword(s):  
Contemporary Literature ◽  
Historical Change ◽  
New Method ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Res Publica

More than thirty years after its publication The Roman Revolution still stands unrivalled, not as the ‘definitive’ account of the emergence of a monarch from the ruins of the Republic but as something far more than that, the demonstration of a new method in the presentation of historical change. The aspect of this method, which has found most imitation, is of course prosopography; and it is indeed essential to it. But far more important is the use made of contemporary literature to mirror events, and to analyse and define the concepts and the terms in which the events were seen by those who lived through them.It is the common characteristic, perhaps even the definition, of great works of history that they invite imitation and offer a challenge, not just to apply their methods and standards to other areas, but to pursue their own conclusions further. The present paper is gratefully offered as an attempt to portray with a different emphasis some aspects of the establishment of Octavian as a monarch, first by demonstrating the extent to which the institutions of the res publica remained active in the Triumviral period, and secondly by redefining the change which culminated in 27 B.C., precisely by asking again in what terms it and the novus status which emerged from it were seen by contemporaries.

Hegels Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts. Ein dialogischer Kommentar

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pirmin Stekeler
Keyword(s):  
Res Publica

Von Geist und Denken von Hegels „Rechtsphilosophie“ sind wir durch eine bloß scheinbar gemeinsame Sprache getrennt wie sprichwörtlich England und die Vereinigten Staaten. Die Folge ist, dass Hegels Grundlegung aller Staats- und Sozialwissenschaften den einen zu konservativ, den anderen zu liberal ist, den einen als restaurativ, den anderen als sozialrevolutionär erscheint. Stekelers Kommentar zeigt dagegen, dass es Hegel in erster Linie um eine radikale Säkularisierung jedes Grund- und Verfassungsrechts samt zugehöriger Ethik und Moral geht. Wir können uns weder mit einem Gesetz beruhigen, das mythisch, d. h. rein verbal, auf einen Gott zurückgeführt wird, noch mit einem „Naturrecht“ oder einer „Vernunftmoral“. Die Aufgabe ist vielmehr, alle normativen Rechte und Pflichten als Antworten auf Probleme freier Kooperation und damit als notwendige Bedingungen freien Personseins explizit zu machen. Hegels freiheitspraktische Begründung des Staates im Sinn des Gesamts aller öffentlichen Angelegenheiten der res publica beginnt daher unter dem Titel eines abstrakten Rechts mit ganz allgemeinen handlungstheoretischen Selbstverständlichkeiten. Es folgt eine radikale Kritik an der bloß subjektiven Moral Kants und eine Explikation der grundlegenden Praxisformen der Familie und der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft mit ihrem vertragsgestützten Austausch von Leistungen.

ASSISTED EMIGRATION AND THE MORAL DILEMMAS OF THE MID-VICTORIAN IMPERIAL STATE

2016 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 1027-1049 ◽  
Author(s):  
PHILIP HARLING
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
New South ◽  
Social Engineering ◽  
Moral Dilemmas ◽  
Irish Famine ◽  
Slave Emancipation ◽  
South Wales ◽  
Ethical Controversy ◽  
Plantation Society ◽  
Imperial State

ABSTRACTThis article examines three voyages of the late 1840s to advance the argument that emigration – often treated by its historians as ‘spontaneous’ – actually involved the laissez-faire mid-Victorian imperial state in significant projects of social engineering. The tale of the Virginius exemplifies that state's commitment to taking advantage of the Famine to convert the Irish countryside into an export economy of large-scale graziers. The tale of the Earl Grey exemplifies its commitment to transforming New South Wales into a conspicuously moral colony of free settlers. The tale of the Arabian exemplifies its commitment to saving plantation society in the British Caribbean from the twin threats posed by slave emancipation and free trade in sugar. These voyages also show how the British imperial state's involvement in immigration frequently immersed it in ethical controversy. Its strictly limited response to the Irish Famine contributed to mass death. Its modest effort to create better lives in Australia for a few thousand Irish orphans led to charges that it was dumping immoral paupers on its most promising colonies. Its eagerness to bolster sugar production in the West Indies put ‘liberated’ slaves in danger.

Roma and Constantinopolis in Late-Antique Art From 312 to 365

1947 ◽  
Vol 37 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 135-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. M. C. Toynbee
Keyword(s):  
Religious Belief ◽  
Great Majority ◽  
Complex Problem ◽  
The Other ◽  
Late Antique ◽  
Public Monuments ◽  
The One ◽  
Independent Existence ◽  
Res Publica

Little more than a decade after Constantine's conversion to Christianity the ancient gods and goddesses of the Graeco-Roman pantheon ceased to appear upon the official coinage and public monuments of the Empire. The personifications—Victoria, Virtus, Pax, Libertas, Securitas, etc., and the ‘geographical’ figures of Res Publica, Roma, Tellus, cities, countries, and tribes—remained. Yet some of these had, up to that very time, received, like the Olympians, their shrines and altars and other honours associated with pagan cultus; and we ask ourselves how it was that a Christian State, while rejecting the one, could retain and ‘baptize’ the other. The answer to this question, which involves the whole complex problem of the nature of pagan religious belief under the later Empire, can only be tentatively suggested here. The pantheon had eventually to go because its denizens had possessed, for the great majority of pagans, a real, objective, and independent existence.

Augustus and the Senate: 23 B.C.

Antichthon ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 57-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
W.K. Lacey
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The One ◽  
Res Publica

While the exact meaning of Res Gestae 34, the powers of Augustus at various moments in his principate, and the significance of his auctoritas have been extensively argued, more practical questions about how his political arrangements might have been set into action have not generally excited much interest. In 1974 I put forward a suggestion about how the so-called first settlement of 27 B.C. came about. It was, in brief, that Octavian, as he then was, used the traditional consular mechanisms, and proposed for debate in the Senate a motion, de provinciis consularibus, and this explains why, on the one hand, the result of the debate was that he had provinces allocated to him, and, on the other, claims could be made that the res publica was restored, because one of the things which characterized res publica (as distinct from dictatorship or triumviral rule) was that the determination of who should command which army stationed in the provinces now lay, ostensibly at least, with the publicum consilium, the Senate.

“Education Is Our Occupation”

PMLA ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 127 (4) ◽  
pp. 1010-1015
Author(s):  
Celeste Langan
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York Times ◽  
The Public ◽  
Robert Hass ◽  
Freedom Of Thought ◽  
The Ideal ◽  
Res Publica

When my berkeley colleague the poet robert hass wrote for the new york times an account of the occupy cal event of 9 november 2011, he described the “strange contingencies” that struck his mind (even as the police baton struck his body). Since that day, when I was arrested (the police used a technique they call a hair-pull takedown) for linking arms with students to protect tents erected in solidarity with Occupy and in defiance of the campus's no-tents policy, I too have felt those contingencies. My decision to participate was no accident; I wanted to resist the conceptual and practical attenuation of the ideal of education as a res publica. But at the time of my arrest I had not yet recognized how much Occupy resonates with issues I have made the center of my scholarly life: vagrancy, mobility, freedom. This brief essay considers the new inflection Occupy has given to my understanding of the work of education. To exercise freedom of thought is not merely to engage heterodox ideas; it is to make thinking take place and take its time. It is to refuse attempts to constrain, by regulations concerning time, place, and manner, the public exercise of thinking.

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