1 Apathy in the UK? The New Lifestyle Political Activism of Ethical Consumerism

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Mike Marinetto
2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-207
Author(s):  
Tuncay Bilecen ◽  
Mustafa Saygın Araz

Bu makalede, Londra’da genellikle “Türkçe konuşan topluluk” başlığı altında sınıflandırılan Türkiyeli göçmenlerin etnik (Türk/Kürt) ve mezhepsel (Sünni/Alevi) kimliklerinin Türkiye ve İngiltere siyasetine yönelik ilgi ve katılım düzeylerine ne ölçüde etki ettiği incelenmektedir. Çalışmada, Haziran – Eylül 2013 tarihleri arasında Londra’da 213 göçmenle yapılan anket çalışması neticesinde elde edilen veriler önce Faktör Analizi daha sonra MANOVA (Tek Yönlü Çok Değişkenli Varyans Analizi) testinden geçirilmiştir. Faktör analizi ile bireylerin siyasal yaşama katılımlarını gösteren (“sivil katılım”, “siyasal ilgi”, “siyasal eylem” olmak üzere üç başlıkta sınıflandırılan) anlamlı değişkenler (faktörler) elde edilmiştir. Değişkenler elde edildikten sonra ise MANOVA analizinden yararlanılarak farklı etnik ve mezhepsel aidiyet gruplarının bu değişkenler üzerinde etkisi olup olmadığına bakılmıştır. Çalışmanın sonunda Londra’da yaşayan Türkiyeli göçmenlerin etnik ve mezhepsel kökenlerinin siyasal katılım düzeyleri üzerinde etkili olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.ENGLISH ABSTRACTTurkish migrants living in London and the impact of ethnic and religious belongings on their political attitude and behvaiourThis article investigates levels of the participation in political life of a particular migrant community referred to as ‘Turkish speaking community’ both in their country of origin (Turkey) and their country of residence (UK). This article specifically focuses on the effects of these migrants groups’ ethnic (i.e. Kurdish/ Turkish) and religious/sectarian (i.e. Alevi/Sunni) identities on their level of participation in the political life in Turkey and in the UK. The data informing this article was collected via administration of surveys with 213 participants between June and September 2013 with aforementioned migrant population. The data was analysis consisted of initial factor analysis followed by MANOVA. Through factor analysis meaningful variances in demonstrating the three types of participation in political life (civil participation, political interest and political activism) was revealed (bu umleyihala anlamadim ama sent mm diyorsan). After the determining of the dependant variables MANOVA analysis were conducted to determine the role of ethnic and religious belongingness on the dependent variables, i.e. types of participation in the political life.  The research concluded that ethnic and religious belongingness directly influience degree of political participation of the migrants from Turkey.   


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 154-168
Author(s):  
Jeremy Gilbert

AbstractAttitudes to digital communication technologies since the 1990s have been characterized by waves of optimism and pessimism, as enthusiasts have highlighted their democratic and liberating potentials, while critics have pointed to the socially, politically and psychologically deleterious consequences of unchecked digital capitalism. This paper seeks to develop an analytical framework capable of appreciating and assessing the capacities of such technologies both to genuinely enhance democratic agency, and to become tools through which capitalist power is enhanced with widespread negative consequences. The paper in particular deploys my concept of ‘potent collectivity’ in order to name the type of democratic agency that such media technologies can be seen both to enable and enhance under certain circumstances, and to inhibit under others. It also considers the affective qualities of ‘potent collectivity’, and in particular the utility of a Deleuzo-Spinozan concept of ‘collective joy’ as designating the affective quality typical of ‘potent collectivity’. The paper uses the specific example of left-wing political activism in the UK during the period 2015-17 to illustrate the potential for platform technologies to enable new forms of democratic mobilization, while arguing for an analytical position that eschews any simple celebration of the liberating potential of new technologies; remaining sensitive to the negative features of ‘platform capitalism’.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-261
Author(s):  
R. David Muir

This article focuses on Bretherton’s treatment of Pentecostalism and Black Power and how they conceive and challenge notions of democracy, citizenship and capitalism. Recognising the ‘tensional’ relationship between democracy and Christianity, I explore his treatment of Pentecostalism and capitalism. I am sympathetic to Bretherton’s analysis of the socio-political transformation Pentecostalism offers, but point to regressive influences associated with the ‘prosperity gospel’. Relating his treatment of Black Power to the wider ‘Black radical tradition’, I conclude with reference to political activism in the UK.


Author(s):  
Stephen J. Hunt

In historical terms, the Pentecostal movement, for almost a century, was known for its political quietism. Identifi ed by ecstatic and esoteric experiences, Pentecostalism was in essence world-rejecting by nature. The movement’s millenarian disposition meant that it had no or few political inclinations. The return of Christ seemed imminent, ushering in the Kingdom of God that would replace all human authorities. With new waves of Pentecostalism spreading across the world, the movement appeared to become increasingly politicised in certain global context. This paper take a comparative analysis of the political undertakings of Pentecostalism in two western contexts, namely, the USA and the UK that provide examples of a seemingly highly religious society and a ‘mid-range’ secular society of Europe respectively. The paper overviews the activities of Pentecostals in both nations and identifi es the key factors behind the politicalization of the movement and explores the principal variables by which to understand diff erent levels of success achieved by the movement. This emphasis is supplemented by recognition of the contrasting political cultures in which the activities of the Pentecostals have operated.


2000 ◽  
Vol 111 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. R. M. Hay ◽  
T. P. Baglin ◽  
P. W. Collins ◽  
F. G. H. Hill ◽  
D. M. Keeling

2006 ◽  
Vol 175 (4S) ◽  
pp. 476-477
Author(s):  
Freddie C. Hamdy ◽  
Joanne Howson ◽  
Athene Lane ◽  
Jenny L. Donovan ◽  
David E. Neal

2006 ◽  
Vol 175 (4S) ◽  
pp. 210-210
Author(s):  
◽  
Freddie C. Hamdy ◽  
Athene Lane ◽  
David E. Neal ◽  
Malcolm Mason ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  

2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
A ZAPHIRIOU ◽  
S ROBB ◽  
G MENDEZ ◽  
T MURRAYTHOMAS ◽  
S HARDMAN ◽  
...  

Crisis ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 268-272
Author(s):  
Sean Cross ◽  
Dinesh Bhugra ◽  
Paul I. Dargan ◽  
David M. Wood ◽  
Shaun L. Greene ◽  
...  

Background: Self-poisoning (overdose) is the commonest form of self-harm cases presenting to acute secondary care services in the UK, where there has been limited investigation of self-harm in black and minority ethnic communities. London has the UK’s most ethnically diverse areas but presents challenges in resident-based data collection due to the large number of hospitals. Aims: To investigate the rates and characteristics of self-poisoning presentations in two central London boroughs. Method: All incident cases of self-poisoning presentations of residents of Lambeth and Southwark were identified over a 12-month period through comprehensive acute and mental health trust data collection systems at multiple hospitals. Analysis was done using STATA 12.1. Results: A rate of 121.4/100,000 was recorded across a population of more than half a million residents. Women exceeded men in all measured ethnic groups. Black women presented 1.5 times more than white women. Gender ratios within ethnicities were marked. Among those aged younger than 24 years, black women were almost 7 times more likely to present than black men were. Conclusion: Self-poisoning is the commonest form of self-harm presentation to UK hospitals but population-based rates are rare. These results have implications for formulating and managing risk in clinical services for both minority ethnic women and men.


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